The crime of cultural genocide refers to the deliberate and systematic destruction or erasure of the cultural heritage, traditions, practices, and institutions of a group. It involves actions or policies aimed at undermining, suppressing, or eradicating the unique elements that define a culture, such as its language, customs, beliefs and way of life. In China, the Uyghurs minority in Xingang have been subjected to oppression due to their differences from the majority Han Chinese. Many academics have classified thistreatment of the Uyghurs as cultural genocide. The term "cultural genocide" has been discussed for years about its historical implication. In the current international legal framework, the concept of cultural genocide lacks any binding legal authority as genocide is primarily associated with physical and biological destruction. Consequently, this has led to inconsistency regarding the role of international law in addressing cultural genocide. Thus, this thesis will assess and examine the legal position of cultural genocide within international law. The examination of the legal components will be conducted through anormative legal analysis. The second objective will investigate the power structures thatshaped the recognition and prevention of cultural genocide within the international legal framework Alongside, a poststructuralism theory will be implemented to identify thesignificant emphasis on the authority of entities to decide what we count as valid knowledge and that this power is achieved through the manipulation of discourse.

The indigenous peoples of Canada have been severely mistreated since the period of European colonization and the founding of the country up to the end of the last century, resulting in serious human rights disparity. Aboriginal leaders, some politicians and members of the public are calling past actions, genocide. Principally a philosophical thesis, this paper deals with the question of the Government of Canada recognizing that their historical treatment of the indigenous peoples of Canada was genocide and whether, in light of the facts that have come to view in the past twenty years, it is the just response from the government; which I contend would result in aiding the nation to heal and move forward. The component parts for understanding this issue – the Aboriginals, history of the Indian Residential School System, genocide and culture, and transitional justice - are viewed through a conceptual analysis of these contexts, with post-colonial discourse narrative. In this way, one can judge based on merit the validity of the argument. I conclude with a philosophical analysis in normative ethics, that transitional justice and equitable rights fulfillment cannot move forward for all Canadians, if the label of genocide is not acknowledged as applicable to the era of the Indian Residential Schools.

[ES] La presente tesis doctoral surge como respuesta a la problemática de la destrucción de la memoria histórica de Bosnia y Herzegovina, comenzada con la guerra de 1992 e institucionalizada a través de la legislación de los Acuerdos de Paz de Dayton. Se exponen en ella las causas históricas de esta destrucción y sus consecuencias, tanto las más inmediatas, a saber, la destrucción física del patrimonio del país, como las más remanentes, esto es, la descripción de la historia según las aspiraciones etnonacionalistas que causaron el conflicto. Sobre estos hechos, se ha hecho un estudio doble: por una parte, una investigación histórica hasta la actualidad sobre la escultura de Bosnia y Herzegovina, de la cual la figura de Alija Kucukalic destaca como máximo exponente y como prueba de que la tradición escultórica de Bosnia y Herzegovina tiene una evolución clara hacia la modernidad; por otra, un conjunto de propuestas prácticas que han permitido divulgar la obra artística y el legado cultural del escultor Alija Kucukalic, con el fin de exponer la importancia que tuvo su trabajo, tanto escultórico como pedagógico, para el desarrollo artístico de Bosnia y Herzegovina. En particular, la revisión política e histórica de Bosnia y Herzegovina realizada en esta investigación ha permitido mostrar que las ideologías etnonacionalistas que se han respetado en los Acuerdos de Paz de Dayton, según el cual Bosnia y Herzegovina ha quedado dividida en dos Entidades, una de etnia serbia, y otra de mayoría de etnia bosnia y croata, suponen un impedimento absoluto tanto en el avance de la cultura como en la misma preservación de la misma. Afirmando los Acuerdos de Paz de Dayton que los ciudadanos de Bosnia y Herzegovina forman tres pueblos constituyentes, y dejando el gobierno de las instituciones culturales a las Entidades, divididas según las etnias mayoritarias de las respectivas zonas, la cultura en Bosnia y Herzegovina depende de acuerdos entre las tres divisiones étnicas del país, cuyos desacuerdos fueron el origen del último conflicto. Sobre este contexto político, el caso particular de Alija Kucukalic se ve en una suerte de ostracismo, en tanto que es un artista al que no se puede adscribir a ninguna de las ideologías políticas vigentes en el país, sino que su obra representa a todo el pueblo bosnio por igual. Este hecho favorece el progresivo deterioro de su obra, que hasta la realización de esta tesis doctoral estaba totalmente olvidada por parte de las instituciones de Bosnia y Herzegovina. En concreto, Alija Kucukalic fue asesinado durante la guerra como parte de la estrategia de elitocidio que constaba en el asesinato individual y en masas de las élites intelectuales de Bosnia y Herzegovina, su obra fue robada y destruida durante la guerra, su atelier del escultor invadido, y en la actualidad, el vacío legal que dejaron los Acuerdos de Paz de Dayton sobre el cuidado del patrimonio cultural ha provocado que el vandalismo se apodere de la obra pública de Alija Kucukalic. Como solución a este problema, se ha demostrado con la presente tesis doctoral que es necesario llevar a cabo acciones de salvaguardia del legado cultural y artístico de Alija Kucukalic , mediante la justificación de que con su obra Bosnia y Herzegovina adquirió renombre artístico internacional y de que con su labor pedagógica como profesor de escultura en la Academia (Facultad) de Bellas Artes de Sarajevo, de la que fue fundador, la tradición artística del país renació y sigue creciendo. Esta justificación se ha reforzado con el mencionado conjunto completo de actividades prácticas, que han tenido como resultados más importantes la apertura de la Fundación Atelier Memorial Alija Kucukalic, unida a la recuperación del atelier del escultor y a la primera exposición póstuma de su obra, y el inicio del proyecto de restauración de la obra de Alija Kucukalic, que ha comenzado con la restauración del parque memorial Vra / [CA] La present tesi doctoral sorgeix com a resposta a la problemàtica de la destrucció de la memòria històrica de Bòsnia i Hercegovina, començada amb la guerra de 1992 i institucionalitzada en la legislació dels Acords de Pau de Dayton. S'exposen les causes històriques d'aquesta destrucció i les seues conseqüències, tant les més immediates, és a dir, la destrucció física del patrimoni del país, com les més romanents, això és, la descripció de la història segons les aspiracions ètnic-nacionalistes que van causar el conflicte. Sobre aquests fets, s'ha fet un estudi doble: d'una banda, una recerca històrica fins a l'actualitat sobre l'escultura de Bòsnia i Hercegovina, de la qual la figura d'Alija Kucukalic destaca com a màxim exponent i com a prova que la tradició escultòrica de Bòsnia i Hercegovina té una evolució clara cap a la modernitat; de l'altra, un conjunt de propostes pràctiques que permeten divulgar l'obra artística i el llegat cultural de l'escultor Alija Kucukalic, per tal d'exposar la importància que va tindre el seu treball, tant escultòric com pedagògic, per al desenvolupament artístic de Bòsnia i Hercegovina. Concretament, la revisió política i històrica de Bòsnia i Hercegovina realitzada en aquesta investigació mostra que les ideologies ètnic-nacionalistes que s'han respectat en els Acords de Pau de Dayton, segons els quals el país ha quedat dividit en dues Entitats, una d'ètnia sèrbia, i una altra d'ètnia bosniana i croata, suposen un impediment absolut tant en l'avanç de la cultura com en la mateixa preservació d'aquesta. Afirmant els Acords de Pau de Dayton que els ciutadans de Bòsnia i Hercegovina formen tres pobles constituents, i cedint el govern de les institucions culturals a les entitats, dividides segons les ètnies majoritàries de les respectives zones, la cultura a Bòsnia i Hercegovina depèn d'acords entre les tres divisions ètniques del país, els desacords dels quals van ser l'origen de l'últim conflicte. En aquest context polític, el cas particular d'Alija Kucukalic es veu en una mena d'ostracisme, en tant que és un artista a qui no es pot adscriure a cap de les ideologies polítiques vigents al país, sinó que la seua obra afirma a tot el poble bosnià per igual. Aquest fet afavoreix la progressiva deterioració de la seua obra, que fins a la realització d'aquesta tesi estava totalment oblidada per part de les institucions de Bòsnia i Hercegovina. En concret, Alija Kucukalic va ser assassinat durant la guerra com a part de l'estratègia d'elitocidi que constava en l'assassinat individual i en masses de les elits intel·lectuals de Bòsnia i Hercegovina, la seua obra va ser robada i destruïda durant la guerra; el seu atelier de l'escultor, envaït; i en l'actualitat, el buit legal que van deixar els Acords de Pau de Dayton sobre la cura del patrimoni cultural ha provocat que el vandalisme s'apoderi de l'obra pública d'Alija Kucukalic. Com a solució a aquest problema, s'ha demostrat amb la present tesi doctoral que cal dur a terme accions de salvaguarda del llegat cultural i artístic d'Alija Kucukalic, mitjançant la justificació que amb la seua obra Bòsnia i Hercegovina va adquirir renom artístic internacional i que amb el seu trevall pedagògic com a professor d'escultura a l'Acadèmia de Belles Arts de Sarajevo, de la qual va ser fundador, la tradició artística del país va renéixer i segueix creixent. Aquesta justificació s'ha reforçat amb l'esmentat conjunt complet d'activitats pràctiques, que han tingut com a resultats més importants l'obertura de la Fundació Atelier Memorial Alija Kucukalic, unida a la recuperació de l'atelier de l'escultor i a la primera exposició pòstuma de la seua obra, i el inici del projecte de restauració de l'obra d'Alija Kucukalic, que ha començat amb la restauració de parc memorial Vraca, a Sarajevo, símbol d'unió nacional contra el feixisme. / [EN] The following doctoral thesis arises as a response to the problem of the destruction of the historical memory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which began with the war of 1992 and got institutionalized in the legislation of the Dayton Peace Agreement. The historical causes of this destruction and its consequences are exposed, both the most immediate, namely, the physical destruction of the country's heritage, and the most remaining: the description of history according to the ethno-nationalist aspirations that caused the conflict. On these facts, a double study has been made: on the one hand, a historical research to date on the sculpture of Bosnia and Herzegovina, of which Alija Kucukalic stands out as the greatest exponent in the second half of the 20th century and as a proof that the sculptural tradition of Bosnia and Herzegovina has a clear evolution towards modernity; on the other hand, a set of practical proposals that made possible the dissemination of the artistic work and cultural legacy of the sculptor Alija Kucukalic, in order to expose the importance that his sculptural and pedagogical work had for the artistic development of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In particular, the political and historical review of Bosnia and Herzegovina carried out in this research shows that the ethno-nationalist ideologies respected in the Dayton Peace Agreement, according to which the country has been divided into two Entities, one of Serbian ethnicity and another of Bosnian and Croatian ethnic groups, represent an absolute impediment both in the advancement of culture and in its preservation. By affirming the Dayton Peace Agreement that the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina form three constituent peoples and handing over the control of cultural Institutions to the Entities, which are divided according to the ethnic groups of their respective areas, culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina depends on agreements between the three ethnic divisions of the country, whose disagreements originated the last conflict. Within this political context, the case of AlijaKucukalic is found in a kind of ostracism, being he an artist who cannot be related to any of the political ideologies in force in the country, but whose work rather affirms the whole Bosnian people alike. This fact favors the progressive deterioration of his artworks, which until the completion of this thesis was totally forgotten by the Institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Specifically, Alija Kucukalic was assassinated at the beginning of the siege of Sarajevo as part of the elitocide strategy that consisted of the individual and mass murder of Bosnian intellectual elites; his work was stolen and destroyed during the war; his atelier, invaded; and at present the legal loophole left by the Dayton Peace Agreement on the care of cultural heritage has caused vandalism to seize his public work. As a solution to this problem, it is shown the need to carry out actions to safeguard the cultural and artistic legacy of Alija Kucukalic, by justifying that with his work Bosnia and Herzegovina acquired international artistic renown and that with his pedagogical work as a Professor of Sculpture at the Sarajevo Academy of Fine Arts, of which he was a founder, the country's artistic tradition was reborn and continues to grow. This justification has been reinforced with the aforementioned practical work, whose most important results are the legal constitution and registration of a cultural entity in the form of the Atelier Memorial Alija Kucukalic Foundation, joined to the recovery of the sculptor's atelier and the first posthumous exhibition of his work, everything focused on the lasting safeguarding of the memory of the sculptor Alija Kucukalic and his work, as well as on the protection of his works and his copyright; and the start of the restoration project of the artwork of Alija Kucukalic, which has begun with the restoration of the Vraca memorial park in Sarajevo, symbol of national union against fascism. / Kucukalic Ibrahimovic, L. (2021). Alija Kucukalic: El legado de uno de los clásicos de la escultura moderna de Bosnia y Herzegovina [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/171587 / TESIS

„We need to defend culture – source of resilience and resistance, of belonging and identity – as a wellspring to rebuild and restore normality in societies in crisis” – mit diesem Aufruf forderte die ehemalige UNESCO-Generaldirektorin Irina Bokova eine Reaktion der internationalen Gemeinschaft auf die Schändungen materieller und immaterieller Kulturgüter durch die Terrormiliz IS im Irak und Syrien. So besteht Palmyra – Symbol kultureller Vielfalt und interkulturellen Dialogs – zwar in seinen Grundfesten fort, die Zerstörung von Statuen, Vandalismus an prähistorischen Tempeln und Sprengungen des Triumphbogens lassen Experten jedoch schlussfolgern: „Palmyra remains, but its legacy is forever transformed“. Die Zerstörung materiellen Kulturerbes bildet längst nicht alle Schandtaten der Terrormiliz ab; gleichzeitig trachtet sie nach der Zerstörung der distinkten Kultur ganzer Volksgruppen. In ihren Angriffen auf die Jesiden blieb es nicht bei der Zerstörung heiliger Schreine. Auch immaterielle Ausdrucksformen von Kultur sind Gegenstand systematischer Angriffe. Durch Zerstörung materieller und immaterieller Kulturgüter zeichnete der IS verantwortlich für „unprecedented cultural eradication“. Irina Bokova folgerte, „we are witnessing what can be described as ‚cultural cleansing‘ on an unprecedented scale.“ Eine wichtige Rolle in der Bestrebung, die Kulturen der Welt vor solchen Gräueltaten zu schützen, kommt der strafrechtlichen Ahndung letzterer zu. Vor diesem Hintergrund hält der Terminus kultureller Genozid Einzug in die Debatten. Die vorliegende Abhandlung führt zunächst in das Konzept kulturellen Genozids ein und analysiert seinen Status nach geltendem Recht. Daraufhin erfolgt eine Analyse der neueren Völkerrechtspraxis, um festzustellen, inwiefern im Hinblick auf die rechtliche Behandlung des kulturellen Genozids Reformbedarf besteht. Sodann werden Reformmöglichkeiten vorgestellt und bewertet. Am Ende dieses Beitrages soll ein Überblick über den Mehrwert eines potenziellen Straftatbestands kulturellen Genozids und zukünftige Schritte in Reaktion auf die derzeit von Extremisten begangenen Verbrechen an Kultur stehen.

All children residing in the United States have the right to a quality education. At least that is our collective expectation. Through the lived experience of Yuli, a Native American woman from the Southwest, you will discover, due to her birth on a remote reservation, she was not given the same access to education you or I would expect. On Yuli’s reservation, the school system is managed by the Bureau of Indian Education (BIE). Rather than provide K-12 schooling, the BIE operates K-8 on her reservation and then Native youth who want to go to high school must move off-reservation. This qualitative study focuses on Yuli’s experience as she traversed the educational system offered to her in order to complete eighth grade, earn her high school diploma and be accepted to college. Her narrative gives insight into what she lost, personally and culturally, as a result of the operational delinquency of a United States of America government agency tasked with one duty, providing an adequate, quality education to Indigenous youth across America. This study explores Yuli’s story, educational inopportunity, and the cultural impact of leaving the reservation to attain an education.

„We need to defend culture – source of resilience and resistance, of belonging and identity – as a wellspring to rebuild and restore normality in societies in crisis” – mit diesem Aufruf forderte die ehemalige UNESCO-Generaldirektorin Irina Bokova eine Reaktion der internationalen Gemeinschaft auf die Schändungen materieller und immaterieller Kulturgüter durch die Terrormiliz IS im Irak und Syrien. So besteht Palmyra – Symbol kultureller Vielfalt und interkulturellen Dialogs – zwar in seinen Grundfesten fort, die Zerstörung von Statuen, Vandalismus an prähistorischen Tempeln und Sprengungen des Triumphbogens lassen Experten jedoch schlussfolgern: „Palmyra remains, but its legacy is forever transformed“. Die Zerstörung materiellen Kulturerbes bildet längst nicht alle Schandtaten der Terrormiliz ab; gleichzeitig trachtet sie nach der Zerstörung der distinkten Kultur ganzer Volksgruppen. In ihren Angriffen auf die Jesiden blieb es nicht bei der Zerstörung heiliger Schreine. Auch immaterielle Ausdrucksformen von Kultur sind Gegenstand systematischer Angriffe. Durch Zerstörung materieller und immaterieller Kulturgüter zeichnete der IS verantwortlich für „unprecedented cultural eradication“. Irina Bokova folgerte, „we are witnessing what can be described as ‚cultural cleansing‘ on an unprecedented scale.“ Eine wichtige Rolle in der Bestrebung, die Kulturen der Welt vor solchen Gräueltaten zu schützen, kommt der strafrechtlichen Ahndung letzterer zu. Vor diesem Hintergrund hält der Terminus kultureller Genozid Einzug in die Debatten. Die vorliegende Abhandlung führt zunächst in das Konzept kulturellen Genozids ein und analysiert seinen Status nach geltendem Recht. Daraufhin erfolgt eine Analyse der neueren Völkerrechtspraxis, um festzustellen, inwiefern im Hinblick auf die rechtliche Behandlung des kulturellen Genozids Reformbedarf besteht. Sodann werden Reformmöglichkeiten vorgestellt und bewertet. Am Ende dieses Beitrages soll ein Überblick über den Mehrwert eines potenziellen Straftatbestands kulturellen Genozids und zukünftige Schritte in Reaktion auf die derzeit von Extremisten begangenen Verbrechen an Kultur stehen.

Although a child's right to parental care and family life is constitutionally entrenched, many South African children are deprived of this right. Transcultural adoption could serve their need but historically this has been prohibited or discouraged by racist policies. Whether this is in keeping with the now non-racial South African society is questionable. In adoption the best interests of the child is paramount and in determining this, courts should balance children's constitutional rights to their culture of origin against their constitutional rights to non-discrimination. After considering arguments for and against transcultural adoption and the position in the United States and the United Kingdom, the writer suggests that further interdisciplinary research into the question is necessary in South Africa; inter-country adoption should be considered and law reform and governmental policy should facilitate these. / Private Law / LL. M. (Law)

Although a child's right to parental care and family life is constitutionally entrenched, many South African children are deprived of this right. Transcultural adoption could serve their need but historically this has been prohibited or discouraged by racist policies. Whether this is in keeping with the now non-racial South African society is questionable. In adoption the best interests of the child is paramount and in determining this, courts should balance children's constitutional rights to their culture of origin against their constitutional rights to non-discrimination. After considering arguments for and against transcultural adoption and the position in the United States and the United Kingdom, the writer suggests that further interdisciplinary research into the question is necessary in South Africa; inter-country adoption should be considered and law reform and governmental policy should facilitate these. / Private Law / LL. M. (Law)