Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of South Africa, 2002.

This study analyzes two British-led police reforms in Sierra Leone from 1945-1961 and 1998-2007, exploring how reinterpretations of sovereignty, security and statehood affected strategies of statebuilding over time. Tracing the effects of reform from the first to the second period, it focuses on three practical questions facing reformers: what kind of coercive capacity the police should be invested with (force); where they should be and for what purposes (territoriality); and in what relation they ought to stand with nonstate policing actors (legitimate authority). A key finding is that reinterpretations of security and sovereignty to center on internal threats and state-society relations served to channel more international attention and resources to police forces in weak states. From a relatively restricted field whose impulses came from policing experiences in other colonies and in Britain, recent post-conflict police reforms were informed by knowledge about economic growth, social mobility and global security. However, strategy was muddled when donors committed to conflicting agendas entered the fray. As a result, the latest reform was profoundly shaped by negotiations of the meaning of key concepts like ‘security’. The second part of the study draws on insights about reform to address debates on intervention and sovereignty. Against the image of Western-led interventions suspending local sovereignty, it is argued that the colonial legacy allowed the Sierra Leonean government to prolong and deepen the recent intervention. Contrary to the image of Sierra Leone’s international relations as exploitative and personalized, the study explores how policing became a field where new and legitimate links with the outside world were established after reform.

In the decade following the Asian-African Conference of 1955, the communist government of the People’s Republic of China took unprecedented interest in its relations with countries in the Middle East. China’s leaders formed particularly strong ties first with Gamal Abdel Nasser’s Egypt, then, beginning in 1958, with the Algerian Front de Libération Nationale (FLN), which at that time was engaged in a bitter struggle for independence from France. The bonds that developed between China and Egypt and between China and Algeria were strengthened by a shared commitment of the governments of these countries to carry out “revolutions” that would challenge Western preeminence in global affairs and establish their own societies as independent voices on the world stage. The common ideological heritage of these three revolutionary countries allowed their leaders to forge connections that went beyond mere expressions of mutual support. Sino-Arab relations in the 1950s and 1960s cannot be explained by a realist narrative of attempts to exert power or influence through high-level diplomacy; rather, the evolving relationships between China and its Arab allies demonstrate how three countries could co-opt one another’s experiences to define and articulate their own nationalist identities on behalf of domestic audiences. This thesis pays particular attention to two constituencies that played a central role in mediating the development of Sino-Arab relations: Chinese Muslims and Arab leftists. Focusing on publications about Sino-Arab relations written by or intended for members of these two groups makes clear the manners in which domestic ideological concerns shaped the development of international relationships. Sino-Egyptian and Sino-Algerian relations between 1955 and 1965 were primarily symbolic. The perception of international amity gave journalists, policymakers, intellectuals, and religious figures free rein to expound their own distorted interpretations of Chinese and Arab society in order to promote their own ideological causes. These causes, which varied over the course of the decade, included the incorporation of Chinese Muslims into Chinese politics, the conferral of revolutionary legitimacy on Nasser’s government, the celebration of China as a champion of global revolution, the legitimization of the FLN, and the presentation of China as a fully anti-imperialist country in contrast to the Soviet Union. Each of these projects had in common the enduring goal of transforming how citizens of China, Egypt, and Algeria perceived their own national identity.

Thesis (DPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis exanunes whether the historical consciousness of grade 10 youth would increase should there be an intervention facilitated for this purpose, that is that they would show a heightened consciousness of the relation between school history and current affairs, politics and other societal issues. This intervention comprises the My New World text produced within the populist historiographical tradition in South Africa. The notion of historical consciousness is defined as the complex relation between an interpretation of the past, a perspective of the present and expectations of the future ROsen (1989; 1994). The investigation comprised a theoretical and empirical component. The theoretical component is informed by the theories of epistemology, knowledge, schooling and curriculum. The empirical component is based on the Youth and History Survey conducted on historical consciousness amongst youth in Europe in the early 1990s. Both this study and the European study were conducted during periods of political transition. The chosen research methodology was that of triangulation, combining quantitative with qualitative methods. The quantitative component was based on the measurement used in the European study, and comprised an experimental pre-test and post-test research design, measuring "inside school" and "outside school" historical consciousness. The study was conducted in 8 grade 10 classrooms at 8 schools in Cape Town, representative of class, race, language and gender. The teachers acted as facilitators of the intervention. The conclusion reached in the research is that although the intervention resulted in an increased enthusiasm amongst individuals for school history and interest in political issues and an understanding for the present as in evidence from the qualitative data, this was not reflected in the quantitative data which showed no significant increase in the "inside school" nor "outside school" historical consciousness amongst youth of average 15 years in grade 10 history classrooms in Cape Town. It can therefore not be empirically concluded that when youth are exposed to populist history over a limited period that they would show an increased "outside school" or "inside school" historical consciousness even though an intervention might aim to increase such a consciousness. A significant finding is that the case for an already existent historical consciousness related to the variables of class and gender holds. Instead of increasing the levels of historical consciousness, the intervention resulted in a surfacing of long-held attitudes, perceptions and beliefs of people, society, the past, the present and the future. The intervention succeeded in bringing these complex layers of variables and related factors that impact on perceptions and attitudes to the surface. Given this complexity, it was also concluded that an empirical study of historical consciousness amongst youth through an intervention over a limited period of time is risky, if not of little value. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek die vraag of die historiese bewussyn van graad 10-leerders sal toeneem indien daar vir hierdie doe I 'n intervensie sou plaasvind, met ander woorde of hulle 'n verhoogde bewussyn van die verhouding tussen die yak Geskiedenis op skool en sake van die dag, die politiek en ander gemeenskapsake sal aantoon. Die tersaaklike intervensie behels die teks van My New World wat daargestel is binne die raamwerk van die populistiese historiografiese tradisie in Suid-Afrika. Die begrip 'historiese bewussyn' kan omskryf word as 'n komplekse verhouding tussen die interpretasie van die verlede, 'n perspektief oor die hede, en verwagtinge oor die toekoms (Rusen 1989; 1994). Die ondersoek bevat 'n teoretiese sowel as 'n empiriese komponent. Die teoretiese komponent is gebaseer op epistemologiese, onderwys- en kurrikulumteoriee. Die empiriese komponent vind sy grondslag in die Youth and History Survey ondersoek oor historiese bewussyn wat in die vroee 1990' s onder Europese jongmense geloods is. Beide hierdie studie en die Europese navorsing is in tye van politieke oorgang onderneem. Die navorsingsmetode wat gebruik is, is die van triangulasie wat uit 'n kombinasie van kwantitatiewe en kwalitatiewe metodes bestaan. Die kwantitatiewe komponent lS gebaseer op die meting wat in die Europese studie gebruik is, en bestaan uit 'n eksperimentele voor- en natoets navorsingsontwerp wat die historiese bewussyn "binne" en "buite" skoolverband meet. Die studie is geloods in agt graad 10-klaskamers by agt skole in Kaapstad wat klas, ras, taal en geslag verteenwoordig het. Die betrokke onderwysers het as fasiliteerders vir die intervensie opgetree. Die gevolgtrekking waartoe in die ondersoek geraak is, is dat, alhoewel die intervensie tot verhoogde entoesiasme vir Geskiedenis as skoolvak en tot belangstelling in politieke kwessies en 'n begrip van die hede onder individuele leerders gelei het (soos afgelei kon word uit kwalitatiewe data), hierdie tendens nie weerspieel is deur die kwantitatiewe data nie: eersgenoemde het nie 'n beduidende verhoging in die historiese bewussyn "binne" of "buite" skoolverband onder leerders met 'n gemiddelde ouderdom van 15 jaar getoon nie. Daar kan dus nie empiries tot die gevolgtrekking geraak word dat wanneer leerders vir 'n beperkte tyd aan populistiese geskiedenis blootgestel word, hulle 'n verhoogde historiese bewussyn "binne" of "buite" skoolverband sal aantoon nie, selfs al sou so 'n intervensie dit weI ten doel he om so 'n bewussyn te verhoog. 'n Beduidende bevinding is dat daar 'n saak uitgemaak kan word vir 'n reeds bestaande historiese bewussyn wat in verband staan met die veranderlikes van klas en geslag. In plaas daarvan om die vlakke van historiese bewussyn te verhoog het die intervensie die gevolg gehad dat lank bestaande houdings, persepsies en oortuigings oor mense, die gemeenskap, die verlede, die he de en die toekoms, na die oppervlak beweeg het. Die intervensie het dus daarin geslaag om hierdie komplekse lae veranderlikes en verwante faktore wat persepsies en houdings beinvloed, na die oppervlak te bring. In die lig van die kompleksiteit hiervan, is daar ook tot die gevolgtrekking geraak dat 'n empiriese studie van historiese bewussyn onder jongmense oor 'n beperkte tyd deur middel van intervensie riskant is, indien nie van min waarde nie.

Thesis (MPhil (Sociology and Social Anthropology))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study seeks to document the emergence of programme evaluation in South Africa. The value of the study lies in the fact that no extensive study on the history of programme evaluation in South Africa has been undertaken before. In order to locate the study within an international context, the study commences with a description of how programme evaluation developed as a sub discipline of the social sciences in other countries. In terms of the South African context, the NGO sector, public sector and professionalisation of programme evaluation is considered. Through this study, it is proposed that the emergence of programme evaluation in South Africa is directly linked to donor activities in the NPO sector. This leads to a discussion of the advancement of monitoring and evaluation in the public sector – specifically the role played by government in institutionalising monitoring and evaluation. Finally, the professionalisation of the evaluation field is also included. The study commenced with a thorough document analysis to gather data on both the international context as well as the South African context. In terms of gathering data on South Africa, data on certain aspects of the emergence of programme evaluation was very limited. To augment the limited data on the local front, face to face and telephonic interviews were conducted. Through these conversations, valuable additional non-published resources and archaic documents were discovered and could be included in the study to produce a comprehensive picture of the emergence of programme evaluation in South Africa. A number of salient points emerge from the thesis. Firstly, there are both similarities and differences between the United States and the UK when considering the emergence of programme evaluation internationally. Secondly, South Africa followed a different trajectory to the USA and UK, where programme evaluation originated within government structures and was consequently a top down occurrence. In South Africa, programme evaluation emerged through donor activity and therefore occurred from the bottom up. Thirdly, in comparison to the US and UK, the South African government did not initially play a significant role in the advancement of monitoring and evaluation (M&E). However, it is within this sector that M&E became institutionalised in South Africa. Finally, the professionalisation and development of programme evaluation in South Africa can be attributed to the first generation evaluators of the 1990s. It is the critical thinking and initiative taken by these individuals that stimulated the field. It is hoped that this study will constitute only the first step into the documentation of programme evaluation’s history in South Africa as there are many areas where further investigation is still required. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die opkoms van program evaluering in Suid-Afrika. Die waarde van die studie is gekoppel aan die feit dat daar nog nie vantevore so ‘n uitgebreide studie rondom die geskiedenis van program evaluering onderneem is nie. Ten einde die studie binne ‘n internasionale konteks te plaas, word ‘n beskrywing gegee van hoe program evaluasie as ‘n subdissipline van die sosiale wetenskappe in ander lande ontwikkel het. In terme van die plaaslike konteks word die NPO sektor, die publieke sektor en die professionalisering van program evaluering ondersoek. ‘n Hipotese word voorgelê dat die opkoms van program evaluering in Suid- Afrika direk verwant hou met internasionale skenkerorganisasies se aktiwiteite in Suid-Afrika. Daarna volg ‘n bespreking van die groei van monitering en evaluering in die publieke sektor. Laastens word die professionalisering van die evaluasie domein ook bespreek. Die beginpunt van die studie was ‘n deeglike dokumentêre analise ten einde inligting in te samel oor die internasionale sowel as plaaslike konteks. In die geval van Suid-Afrika was die data baie beperk in sommige areas, veral rondom die geskiedenis van program evaluering. Ten einde die data aan te vul, is telefoniese en persoonlike onderhoude gevoer met sleutelpersone in die betrokke sektore. Deur die gesprekke is toegang verkry tot waardevolle addisionele ongepubliseerde bronne en historiese dokumente. Die ontdekking en insluiting van die dokumente verseker dat ‘n volledige beeld geskets word rondom die opkoms van program evaluering in Suid- Afrika. ‘n Aantal betekenisvolle bevindings volg vanuit die studie. Eerstens, daar is beide ooreenkomste en verskille in die manier wat program evaluering in Amerika en die Verenigde Koninkryk tot stand gekom het. Tweedens, Suid-Afrika volg ‘n verskillende perogatief in vergelyking met Amerika en die Verenigde Koninkryk waar program evaluering sy ontstaan binne die regering gehad het en ook deur die regering “afgedwing is”. In Suid-Afrika, kan program evaluering se opkoms in teenstelling daarmee direk gekoppel word aan die betrokkenheid van ‘n skenker organisasie. Derdens, in vergelyking met Amerika en die Verenigde Koninkryk het die Suid-Afrikaanse regering aanvanklik nie ‘n betekenisvolle rol gespeel in die vooruitgang van monitering en evaluering nie. Dit is egter noemenswaardig dat die publieke sektor die institusionalisering van monitering en evaluering teweegebring het. Laastens, kan die professionalisering en groei van program evaluering in Suid-Afrika grootliks toegeskryf word aan die bydrae van die eerste generasie evalueerders van die 1990s. Dit is grootliks die persone se bydrae in die vorme van kritiese denke en inisiatief wat die veld gestimuleer en bevorder het. Dit is my hoop dat hierdie studie gevolg sal word deur die voortdurende dokumentasie van die geskiedenis en verloop van program evaluering in Suid-Afrika.

This thesis investigates the emergence of an internationally renowned psychiatric community in Uganda. Starting at the beginning of colonial rule in 1894, it traces the changing nature of mental health care both within and beyond the state, examining the conditions that allowed psychiatry to develop as a significant intellectual tradition in the years following Independence in 1962. This ‘golden age’ of psychiatry saw Uganda establish itself as a leader of mental health care in Africa, an aspect of history that is all the more marked for its contrast with the almost complete collapse of mental health care after the expulsion of the Asian population by Idi Amin in 1972. Using a wide range of new source material, including interviews with psychiatrists, traditional healers, and community elders, this thesis pushes the history of psychiatry in Africa beyond the examination of government policy and colonial hegemony. It brings together the history of psychiatry with the histories of missionary medicine, medical education, and international health by asking what types of people, institutions, and organisations were involved in the provision of mental health care; how important the growth of Makerere Medical School was for intellectual and institutional psychiatry; and how ‘African’ mental health care had become by the end of the period. It presents a history of mental health care in a country that has tended to be overshadowed by Kenya in the historiography, yet whose engagement with medical missionaries and efforts to advance medical training meant that the trajectory of psychiatry came to be quite different. Focusing in particular on the significance of western-trained Ugandan medical practitioners for mental health care, the thesis not only analyses African psychiatrists as historical actors in their own right, but represents the first attempt to examine the development of psychiatric education in Africa.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, has been portrayed in scholarly literature as a prominent case of postcolonial African ‘growth failure’. Between 1960 and 2000 oil reserves were exploited resulting in revenues of more than $300 billion to the Nigerian government, while real per capita income fell over the same period. This thesis, by focusing on building and construction in Nigeria from 1960 to 2000, explains how and why Nigeria failed to invest its oil revenues to create long-term economic growth. Its findings have important implications for investment analyses of other commodity-rich countries in Africa and across the developing world. It draws on a wide range of primary quantitative and qualitative sources including government surveys, construction-related company financial data and project lists, industry publications, newspapers, and the correspondence files of a major Nigerian architecture firm. These are used to present a picture of historical building activity which includes a 40-year dataset of cement price and consumption, and a construction supply curve for both the oil boom and bust periods. By quantifying for the first time the long-observed ‘ghost construction’ of the oil boom, this thesis finds that annually about two thirds of what scholars and national accounts statistics had estimated was being invested in construction was never actually invested, implying that what was invested offered a greater return than has previously been acknowledged. Although investment in construction was overstated during the oil boom, during the oil bust construction was understated as major government projects were funded off-budget and away from public scrutiny. This thesis demonstrates that the most productive area of public investment has been infrastructure, and further that the private sector construction industry was a valuable asset which greatly enhanced the government’s ability to implement investment programmes, when it had the political will to do so.

This thesis investigates several previously neglected networks of imperial tropical medicine (ITM) in Britain and its tropical colonies at the turn of the twentieth-century. It argues for the need to bring back the ‘imperial’ to the study of medicine in colonial localities; and, in doing so, redefines the ‘imperial’ in relation to tropical medicine during this period. To accomplish this, the first part of the thesis considers largely ignored popular networks of ITM, including the 1900 London Livingstone Exhibition; guidebooks and manuals for tropical travel, health and hygiene; and commodities such as Burroughs Wellcome & Co.’s (BWC) Tabloid brand medicine chests and tropical clothing. The second part of the thesis investigates important, but under researched professional networks of ITM, including the training and experiences of non-medical missionaries educated at Livingstone College, London and the London Missionary School of Medicine (LMSM); and the formation and reform of the West African Medical Staff (WAMS). All of the popular and professional networks discussed in this thesis were, for the most part, a response to the urgency generated by domestic and international high politics to ‘improve’ and ‘develop’ Britain’s tropical possessions. While representing a diversity of individuals and interests, one concern that they all shared was the supposed need to preserve Anglo-Saxon health in tropical climates. Such a disparate set of ‘agents of empire’, connected through a common interest, led to a complex set of ideas and practices of ITM, which were informed as much by the environment and climate, as new disciplines such as parasitology. This thesis also demonstrates that a significant fissure existed — within and outside the imperial state — between ideas of ITM and their practice. Ideas of ITM were often aggressively imperial in rhetoric but in practice they generally were not. Therefore, at the start of the twentieth-century ITM was not always working — directly — as a ‘tool of empire’. Nonetheless, this thesis demonstrates that the ‘imperial’ is still the most useful analytical category and organising principle for understanding Western medicine’s relationship to Britain’s tropical possessions during this period. By focusing on both the colony and the metropole, and the uneven power relationship that existed between them, it demonstrates that ideas and practices of medicine and hygiene intended for Britain’s tropical empire were neither colonial nor metropolitan, but imperial.

My work is a socio-historical study of the institution of the gymnasium in Egypt, of its evolution and role in the assertion of certain aspects of ‘Greek identity’ in Ptolemaic and early Roman times. It is divided into four sections. (1) Attention is devoted to the study of the gymnasium itself, as institution, analysing its diffusion, foundation, internal organisation and the role played by associations which were hosted therein. The constitution and the characteristics of the governing body (with special attention to the role of the gymnasiarchs) and the financial matters relevant to the gymnasium allow one to draw conclusions on its legal status and social role: it is shown how the gymnasium of Egypt operated in a completely different way from the traditional one which is normally assumed for the Greek poleis, especially of mainland Greece and above all Athens. A possible model of influence is suggested. (2) Starting from the rules of admission into the gymnasium and from the treatment of the outsiders, the social status and social composition of the members of the gymnasium are object of enquiry, focusing on the links with the army and the public administration. It is argued that the gymnasial community should be considered as a complex reality, formed by different components belonging to various levels of the social strata. (3) Educational, religious and recreational activities carried out in the premises of the gymnasium or strictly connected to it are taken into account to give an idea of the ‘daily life’ of the institution and of the ‘behaviour’ of its people, which was likely to be the result of a feeling of ‘shared identity’. (4) The concluding section draws the attention to the issue of identity of the people of the gymnasium more clearly: relation with the ‘others’ and idea of Greekness the people of the gymnasium had about themselves (influenced by the rulers’ policies), access to gymnasia, onomastics, elite classes, mixed marriages, reception of Egyptian burial methods and cults, advantage of ‘going Greek’. It is argued that, although having in the gymnasium the key-element for the assertion of their identity and status of Hellenes, the ‘Greeks’ of Egypt displayed complex patterns of mixed identities and were thoroughly embedded in the social, cultural, religious, and administrative environment of Egypt.

Durante o século XVII, uma acentuada presença de missionários capuchinhos marcou definitivamente a história da África Central. Buscamos verificar até que ponto a entrada dos capuchinhos influenciou as relações estabelecidas entre a coroa portuguesa e as autoridades locais na África Central, uma vez que estes missionários eram subordinados diretamente ao papado, por meio da Sagrada Congregação de Propaganda Fide. Dessa forma, analisamos o modo (conflituoso ou não) como os capuchinhos se relacionaram com as autoridades e população locais e com a coroa portuguesa. Por meio de relatos e correspondência dos missionários da Ordem do Frades Menores Capuchinhos, que estiveram no reino do Congo entre 1645 e 1665, período de inúmeras conversões de africanos ao cristianismo, estudamos o contexto político-social e as características deste catolicismo africano, buscando compreender como africanos e europeus adaptavam e reelaboravam a crença cristã no contexto das experiências de contato. / During the XVII century, an accentuated presence of capucin missionaries in Central Africa marked definitely its history. This work analizes the extension of the impact of the Capucin missions in the established relations between the Portuguese crown and the local authorities in Central Africa, since these missionaries were directly under the papado authority, by means of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide. In doing that, we analyze the way (conflicted or not) that the Capucins dealed with local authorities and population and with the Portuguese royal house. Through the accounts and mailing of the Order of Capucin Minor Friars missionaries, that had been in Congo kingdom between 1645 and 1665, period of countless conversions of Africans to Christianity, we examine the political-social context and the characteristics of this African Catholicism, in order to understand how Africans and Europeans adapted and reelaborated the Christian belief in the context of contact experiences.