A indicação de LAIDLER (1987b) de que Henry Thornton, apesar de ter mudado de posição política, não modificou substancialmente suas subjacentes percepções analíticas entre 1802 e 1810 não tem recebido suficiente atenção por parte da literatura especializada. Busca-se, aqui, estudar se e em que medida essa indicação é corroborada. O caminho investigativo escolhido, contudo, não se restringe, meramente, a uma comparação analítico-teórica das visões sustentadas pelo autor nos anos em questão. Para que se compreenda com maior acurácia suas idéias monetárias, é necessário que as mesmas sejam situadas no contexto histórico e analítico original, levando-se em consideração os paradigmas de economia monetária e bancária mais aceitos na Grã- Bretanha a essa época e as controvérsias do período. Também serão de destaque as análises das Comissões de que Thornton fez parte, o \'Irish Currency Committee\', em 1804, e o \'Bullion Committee\', em 1810. A base adotada para a comparação do pensamento do autor em ambos os períodos é a obra \'An Enquiry into the Nature and Effects of the Paper Credit of Great Britain\', de 1802, e seus discursos feitos em maio de 1811 a respeito do \'Bullion Report\', que foi publicado um ano antes. / LAIDLER (1987b)?s indication that though Henry Thornton?s policy stance had changed between 1802 and 1810, his underlying analytical views weren?t any different hadn?t received enough attention from the specialized literature. We aim to study here if and in which measure this perspective is corroborated. However the investigation path chosen is not merely restricted to an analytical theoretical comparison between the two views supported by the author in the corresponding years. In order to understand with greater accuracy his monetary ideas, it?s necessary to place them in their original historical and analytical context, considering the most regarded banking and monetary paradigms of Great Britain in that time. Attention will also be placed in the Committees of which Thornton was a member, like the \'Irish Currency Committee\', in 1804, and the \'Bullion Committee\', in 1810. The base in relation to we compare the ideas of the author in both periods is his work \'An Enquiry into the Nature and Effects of the Paper Credit of Great Britain\', of 1802, and his speeches made in may 1811 about the \'Bullion Report\', which was published a year earlier.

Rhetorics of globalization are best understood through the concept of risk. This dissertation traces the history of contemporary globalization back to the encounters of the English East India Company (EIC) from the seventeenth through eighteenth centuries with foreign trading cultures through primary journals, records, and guidebooks. I also contrast the EIC approach with the <i>sulh-i-kull</i> approach of the Mughal Empire. I conclude that the EIC cultivated risk to override ethical considerations of the Other, invent the private sphere, and lay the bedrock of contemporary capitalism.

本研究の目的は，ケンブリッジ学派の経済学者D.H.ロバートソンの経済変動論体系を統一的に理解し，その学史的・現代的意義を再評価することである．ロバートソンが重視した実物的経済変動論の「実物real」とは一体何を指しているのか，という根本的な問いからはじめ，その「実物」が彼の経済変動論体系において有している重要性を明らかにする． / 博士(経済学) / Doctor of Economics / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

This thesis is an historical study of the formation of Thatcherite economic thinking and policymaking with a particular focus upon investigating the part played by economic ideas and economists in Thatcherism. While some economists and economic ideas are closely associated with Thatcherism, Thatcherites were hostile to the bulk of Britain’s economists residing in universities and in the Government Economic Service and skeptical of the usefulness of economic theory in policymaking. Thatcherites thought that British academic and government economists supported a ‘Keynesian consensus’ which was purported to have been in operation since the Second World War and had allegedly retarded Britain’s growth from a quasi-mythical free-enterprise Victorian high-point. However, Thatcherites were keen to win the ‘battle of ideas’ and became eager ‘buyers’ of economic ideas – Keith Joseph particularly – in a ‘marketplace in economic ideas’ which developed over the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. Yet, Thatcherites were not suddenly converted to neoliberal economic thinking by the marketplace in economic ideas. Instead, Thatcherites pragmatically sought out ideas which could be adopted and adapted in combination with long-standing ideological beliefs which were hostile to the size and role of the state and in favour of ‘sound money.’ Thatcherite economic thinking developed to include sometimes contradictory strands of supply-side economics, Austrian economics, monetarism/rational expectations and public choice economics but also contained, particularly for Margaret Thatcher, elements of ‘businessmen’s economics’ and ‘housewife economics.’ A case study of privatisation policy illustrates the point that pre-existing Thatcherite thinking, such as the desire to ‘roll back the state’, provided the core underlying rationale for economic policies. Yet, Thatcherites were also able to use a jumbled amalgam of economic ideas such as Austrian and neoclassical economics to promote secondary objectives such as introducing competition when conditions were judged as favourable by Thatcherites.

L’épuisement des énergies fossiles est un thème d’actualité dont les prémices datent, selon l’opinion courante, des années 1970 et du premier choc pétrolier. En réalité, c’est une préoccupation plus ancienne, intimement liée à l’ère industrielle. Dans la deuxième partie du XIXème siècle, les économistes se sont penchés sur la question de l'épuisement des minerais, ‘objet non identifié’ jusqu'alors et nécessitant la mise sur pied de nouveaux outils d'analyse (effet-rebond chez Jevons, rente minière chez Marshall-Einaudi notamment). Avec le progrès des techniques et l'apparition de nouvelles énergies (pétrole, hydro-électricité), leurs craintes de déclin industriel se sont progressivement dissipées dans les années 1910 et 1920. Mais ces évolutions tenant à l’histoire des faits ne sont pas les seules à considérer. Des facteurs internes à la discipline économique, comme l'émergence du marginalisme dans les années 1870 et de la théorie de l'épargne et du capital dans les années 1890, ont aussi changé le regard des économistes sur la question de l'épuisement des ressources. Pourquoi ? Comment ? Quels enseignements peut-on en tirer pour les défis environnementaux d'aujourd'hui ? Voilà les questions qui sont traitées dans ce travail de thèse. / Fossil fuels exhaustion is a current topic. It is often said that its first presages appeared in the 1970s with the first oil shock. Actually, this exhaustion fear is much older than that, it started with the Industrial Revolution and kept going since then. In the second part of the 19th century, some economists focused their attention on the mineral resources depletion, which was at the time an ‘unknown item’ that necessitated the creation of new concepts and new analytical tools to deal with (for example Jevons’ rebound-effect, Marshall-Einaudi’s mining rent). In the 1910s and 1920s, thanks to technical progress and the development of new energies (oil, hydro-electricity), their fears about industrial decline progressively dissipated. Yet, these factual evolutions are not the only ones to consider. Internal factors, inside economic science (marginalism in the 1870s, capital theory in the 1890s), also shaped economists’ viewpoint on resources exhaustion. Why? How? What lessons can we get from this period for our current environmental challenges? These are the questions that are studied in this thesis.

This thesis examines the impact of Social Credit in North America during the Great Depression as a social philosophy and approach to government. By placing Social Credit in the context of interwar social movements for monetary reform, the events in Alberta from 1932 to 1938 are examined from the historical geographic iteration of what I call the Keynesian frontier of monetary macro-economic thought. This thesis shifts attention on this episode of Canadian history towards the lens of monetary neutrality. I argue that the Keynesian frontier was the intellectual environment for a worldwide English- speaking progressive underground which sought to find in macro-economic theory a vision of utopian society where money had no effect on material choices and interpersonal relations. During the 1930s, movements such as Social Credit transformed this underground into a collective effort to integrate the institutional channels of circulation with the mechanics of the modern monetary and fiscal state.

This thesis examines the impact of Social Credit in North America during the Great Depression as a social philosophy and approach to government. By placing Social Credit in the context of interwar social movements for monetary reform, the events in Alberta from 1932 to 1938 are examined from the historical geographic iteration of what I call the Keynesian frontier of monetary macro-economic thought. This thesis shifts attention on this episode of Canadian history towards the lens of monetary neutrality. I argue that the Keynesian frontier was the intellectual environment for a worldwide English- speaking progressive underground which sought to find in macro-economic theory a vision of utopian society where money had no effect on material choices and interpersonal relations. During the 1930s, movements such as Social Credit transformed this underground into a collective effort to integrate the institutional channels of circulation with the mechanics of the modern monetary and fiscal state.

This thesis examines the impact of Social Credit in North America during the Great Depression as a social philosophy and approach to government. By placing Social Credit in the context of interwar social movements for monetary reform, the events in Alberta from 1932 to 1938 are examined from the historical geographic iteration of what I call the Keynesian frontier of monetary macro-economic thought. This thesis shifts attention on this episode of Canadian history towards the lens of monetary neutrality. I argue that the Keynesian frontier was the intellectual environment for a worldwide English- speaking progressive underground which sought to find in macro-economic theory a vision of utopian society where money had no effect on material choices and interpersonal relations. During the 1930s, movements such as Social Credit transformed this underground into a collective effort to integrate the institutional channels of circulation with the mechanics of the modern monetary and fiscal state.

This thesis examines the impact of Social Credit in North America during the Great Depression as a social philosophy and approach to government. By placing Social Credit in the context of interwar social movements for monetary reform, the events in Alberta from 1932 to 1938 are examined from the historical geographic iteration of what I call the Keynesian frontier of monetary macro-economic thought. This thesis shifts attention on this episode of Canadian history towards the lens of monetary neutrality. I argue that the Keynesian frontier was the intellectual environment for a worldwide English- speaking progressive underground which sought to find in macro-economic theory a vision of utopian society where money had no effect on material choices and interpersonal relations. During the 1930s, movements such as Social Credit transformed this underground into a collective effort to integrate the institutional channels of circulation with the mechanics of the modern monetary and fiscal state.

L’ambition initiale de Rawls est de présenter une analyse de la justice distributive supérieure à la conception utilitariste, incapable, selon lui, de fournir une base satisfaisante de la justice dans le cadre d’une démocratie. Pour ce faire, Rawls mobilisera, dans son principal ouvrage Théorie de la Justice [1971], des idées empreintes de la philosophie politique et morale anglosaxonne mais également de très nombreux concepts forgés par les économistes. Cet ouvrage devient ainsi une référence incontournable pour la philosophie politique contemporaine mais aussi pour les théories économiques de la justice sociale. Notre thèse se propose de reconstruire la théorie de Rawls dont les études, nombreuses mais morcelées, ont donné lieu à des interprétations très contradictoires. Etudier la pensée de l’auteur à l’aune de l’économie sert à donner une cohérence d’ensemble à la justice comme équité, depuis sa genèse jusqu’à ses derniers développements. Cette méthodologie, en effet, nous permet de montrer qu’au-delà de l’indétermination du principe de différence – qui peut justifier tant une politique ultralibérale qu’une politique inspirée des idéaux socialistes – l’amélioration de la situation des plus défavorisés passe par le dépassement du système capitaliste. Ce système n’est pas à même de répondre aux exigences des principes de justice défendus par Rawls. / Rawls’ first ambition is to present an analysis of social justice superior to utilitarian conception, enable, according to him, to provide a satisfactory account of justice in the context of democracy. In order to do that, Rawls took, in his main book A Theory of Justice [1971], ideas imprinted of moral and political philosophy but also many concepts built by the economists. This work became consequently the reference to contemporary political philosophy and also to economic theory of social justice. Our thesis proposes to reconstruct the theory of Rawls. Indeed many but fragmented researches gave rise to conflicting interpretations of this theory. So studying Rawls’ thought regarding economics allows us tobring an overall consistency to the justice as fairness, from its genesis to its last developments. Our methodology aims to show, that beyond the indetermination of the Difference principle – which can either supply an ultraliberal policy or a policy inspired by socialist ideals – the improvement of the situation of the least advantaged required to go beyond capitalism. This system is enable to answer to the requirements of the principles of justice defended by Rawls.