Ce mémoire offre un résumé de l’état de la recherche quant à la perception des Japonais et de l’ennemi japonais aux États-Unis avant et pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Il en ressort que la question plus spécifique du traitement réservé à l’ennemi japonais et à la responsabilité des actions de guerre perpétrées par celui-ci dans les journaux américains mérite d’être approfondie. L’analyse des articles publiés dans les trois mois suivant l’attaque japonaise de Pearl Harbour et précédant la fin officielle de la guerre dans trois grands périodiques américains de l’époque suggère que ceux-ci offrirent un traitement de l’ennemi japonais similaire à celui présent dans l’ensemble des autres média américains de l’époque, mais que ce traitement est généralement plus nuancé et éclaté dans les trois mois précédant la fin de la guerre. Certaines dissensions importantes peuvent y être constatée quant à la question de la responsabilité des actions de guerre japonaises entre les périodiques, ce qui suggère l’existence de points de vue, de valeurs et de perceptions différentes des Japonais aux États-Unis pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. / This master’s thesis offers a summary of the state of research on the perception of the Japanese enemy in the United States before and during World War II which reveals that the question of the American newspapers’ treatment of the Japanese enemy and of who is accountable for Japan’s actions during the war deserves more attention. An analysis of the articles published in three major American newspapers in the three months following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour and preceding the official end of the war suggests that the American newspapers presented the Japanese enemy in a light similar to that of the other media. However, this treatment of the Japanese and the Japanese enemy tended to be more nuanced and varied in the three months preceding the end of the war as important dissensions appeared between the newspapers about the accountability of Japan’s war actions, which suggests the existence of different values and perceptions of the Japanese people in general within the United States.

En se basant sur l’histoire des Bradfords, l’une des plus grandes familles d’imprimeurs de l’histoire américaine, ce mémoire étudie la relation entre l’imprimé, les imprimeurs, et divers discours sur la liberté au cours du « long » 18e siècle. Il retrace la transition entre une ère de la « liberté de parole, » née des débats sur la liberté de presse et d’expression de la période coloniale, et une ère de la « parole de la liberté, » née au cours de la Révolution et entretenue sous la jeune république. Cette transition fut le produit de la transformation du discours des contemporains sur la liberté, mais s’effectua également en lien avec la transformation du milieu de l’imprimerie et de la culture de l’imprimé. Selon les circonstances politiques, sociales, économiques et culturelles particulières des périodes coloniale, révolutionnaire, et républicaine, l’imprimé et les imprimeurs américains furent appelés à disséminer et à contribuer au discours sur la liberté. Ils établirent ainsi une forte association entre l’imprimé et la liberté dans la culture de l’imprimé du 18e siècle, qui était destinée à être transmise aux siècles suivants. Mots- / Based on the family history of the Bradfords, one of America’s most celebrated printing dynasties, this thesis studies the interplay between print, printers, and various discourses on freedom during of the long 18th century and through the colonial, revolutionary, and early republican periods. It traces the transition between an era of the “speech of freedom,” born out of the colonial debates on the freedom of speech and press, and an era of the “freedom of speech,” born in the course of the Revolution and upheld during the early republic. This transition resulted from the transformation of the contemporaries’ discourse on liberty, but also had to do with the transformation of the printing trade and print culture. As a result of the political, social, economic, and cultural circumstances of the colonial, revolutionary, and early republican periods, American print and printers were led to disseminate and to contribute to the discourse on liberty. They thus established a strong association between print and freedom in the 18th-century print culture, an association which was destined to be transmitted to the following centuries.

Together, British Columbia and Washington State have constituted a uniquely secular region. Residents of the Pacific Northwest were (and are) far more likely than their counterparts elsewhere to reject or ignore religious institutions, and religion itself. Historians have devoted little attention to this phenomenon. This dissertation draws on a wide range of manuscript, quantitative, and oral history sources to interrogate the nature and meanings of Northwest secularism in the years between 1950 and the early 1970s. Scholars have typically depicted secularism as something produced and disseminated within institutions and by cultural elites. Inspired by the rich literature on popular and lived religion, this study departs from convention and explores secularism at the social and everyday level. It does not reveal any coherent doctrine of secularism, nor does it suggest that the Pacific Northwest was a region of atheists. Just as church involvement is not the sole measure of religiosity, atheism is not the singular expression of secularity. Northwesterners were secular in multiple, ambiguous, and contested ways - ways that did not exclude encounters with the sacred. This dissertation traces certain widely shared elements of secularism in the postwar Pacific Northwest, including an indifference towards organized religion, and ambivalence around personal religion and belief. Influenced by normative ideas of race. class, gender. and family, postwar religious and cultural commentators blamed the distinct irreligion of the Northwest on single, working-class men in the region. Northwest secularism also tended to be constructed as a problem particular to whites in the region. In rejecting religion. white Northwesterners were seen as contravening dominant expectations of respectable whiteness. This study argues that Northwest irreligion was broadly based rather than anchored to a particular demographic group within the region. It challenges the assumption that secularity had little to do with women, the middle classes. and families. At the same time, this study also contends that class, race, gender, and family shaped and differentiated the meanings and experiences of religion and irreligion. For example. white, middle-class women in the Pacific Northwest were far less committed to organized religion, and religion itself, than their counterparts in other regions. However, in everyday life, secular women confronted and struggled against entrenched ideals of feminine and middle-class piety. On the other hand, working-class men were freer to behave in non-religious ways, since for them this behaviour conformed to, rather than contradicted, class and masculine norms. For men and women from all social locations, the deepest tensions around religion emerged in relations with family. The ambivalent secularism of the Northwest took shape in ordinary households, as people worked to reconcile their own secular impulses with family demands and expectations. Although they were secular in different ways, all social groups helped to produce and sustain the distinct irreligion of the Northwest. This dissertation argues that certain historical, demographic, and imaginative factors combined to broaden the possibilities for rejecting or avoiding religion in this cross-border region. While the region has been, and remains, a place of abundant spiritual energies, over time irreligion has become entwined in the myths and expectations of Northwest culture. This dissertation highlights the neglected intersections between geography and religion, and demonstrates the importance of place to secular and religious practice and identity.

RÉSUMÉ : Avec le dénouement de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, le problème des réfugiés en Europe devient un enjeu international. Plusieurs millions de personnes, que l’on nomme les Displaced Persons (DP), sont sans refuge et doivent recevoir une aide immédiate pour survivre. Même si la majorité de ces gens retourneront dans leurs pays d’origine, il reste encore des centaines de milliers de réfugiés en 1948. La seule solution concrète pour régler cette problématique est l’émigration des réfugiés dans des pays prêts à les accepter. Les Américains jouent un rôle crucial en acceptant 415 000 DP entre 1948 et 1952 grâce au Displaced Persons Act de 1948 et ses amendements en 1950 et 1951. Après d’âpres discussions entre les restrictionnistes et ceux qui défendent la libéralisation des lois d’immigration, naîtra le Displaced Persons Act (DP Act) signé avec beaucoup de réticence, le 25 juin 1948, par le président Harry S. Truman. Cette loi qui prévoit la venue de 202 000 DP en deux ans, contient des mesures jugées discriminatoires à l'endroit de certaines ethnies. Afin d'améliorer le DP Act, le Congrès effectue des recherches sur la situation des réfugiés toujours dans les camps en 1949 tout en étudiant l’impact de la venue des DP aux États-Unis entre 1948 et 1950. Cette étude est soumise sous forme de rapport, le Displaced Persons and Their Resettlement in the United States, le 20 janvier 1950. Ce mémoire propose une analyse minutieuse du rapport et de son contexte politique afin de démontrer le rôle important de cette étude dans le processus décisionnel du Congrès américain visant à accueillir un plus grand nombre de DP tout en posant les bases pour une politique d’accueil en matière de refugiés. / ABSTRACT : With the ending of the Second World War, the refugee problem became an international issue. Several million people, which are called the Displaced Persons (DPs), are without shelter and should receive immediate help to survive. Although the majority of DPs will return to their home country, there are still hundreds of thousands of refugees in 1948. The only practical solution to solve this problem is the migration of refugees out of Europe. The Americans have played a crucial role by agreeing to receive 415,000 DP between 1948 and 1952 through the Displaced Persons Act (DP Act) of 1948 and its amendments in 1950 and 1951. After heated discussions between the restrictionnists and those who advocate the liberalization of immigration laws, the Displaced Persons Act was voted with great reluctance and signed, June 25, 1948, by President Harry S. Truman. This law provides for the arrival of 202,000 DPs in two years, but it contains measures deemed discriminatory to certain ethnic groups. In order to improve the DP Act, Congress conducted research on the situation of refugees still in camps in 1949 while studying the impact of the DPs arrival in the United States from 1948 to 1950. This study was submitted as a report, the Displaced Persons and Their Resettlement in the United States, January 20th, 1950. This thesis proposes a thorough analysis of this report to demonstrate how the study helped the decision-making process of the U.S. Congress that led to the acceptance of a larger number of DP’s while also laying the basis for a settlement policy with regard to refugees.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2007. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-06, Section: A, page: 2618. Adviser: Frederick E. Hoxie. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 248-278) Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.

This thesis examines Anglo-French perceptions of power within the context of the rise of the United States of America. It uses several overlapping events falling within a moment at the end of the nineteenth century (1898-1899) - the Spanish-American War, the Dreyfus Affair and the Fashoda crisis - to explore various British and French actors' perceptions of national power, decline, and international competition. It draws heavily on diplomatic material, but its methodology is primarily cultural. It examines ways in which various cultural assumptions affected perceptions of power and global events. It takes a particular interest in the relationship between ideas about gender and dimensions of national power. It focuses on contemporary preoccupations and assumptions, whether spoken or unspoken, and argues that they could prove determinative. External realities were refracted into perceptions that in turn drove prescriptions and policy. The thesis juxtaposes perspectives from multiple states, thereby contextualizing or comparing British, French and occasionally American preoccupations with those of their transatlantic contemporaries. It draws upon archival sources which previously have been under-examined or approached from different perspectives and research priorities. Its exploration of the cultural dimensions of thought about national power and success is grounded in an awareness of the analysis and actions of certain diplomats and politicians involved in the more practical business of international affairs. Conversely, diplomatic and other records are situated within their cultural milieu, to better understand the context in which views about the international order were shaped. The thesis necessarily makes excursions into the history of emotions, since its actors' political analyses at times appear entangled and aligned with their emotional responses. The thesis therefore serves as an example of an international history that integrates diplomatic with cultural and emotional elements and demonstrates their mutual illumination.

This diplomatic and military history offers a new interpretation of the origins of the three fighting fronts during the final phase of the Cold War in Angola, Central America, and Afghanistan. Vaguely remembered today as proxy wars on the periphery, in fact, these were protracted revolutionary civil wars and regional contests for the balance of power in which millions died, while at the same time they were central to global superpower confrontation. Analysis focuses on the strategy and policy of the United States. The chronology from 1975 to 1982 covers the Ford administration's covert action intervention in the Angolan Civil War, which came to grief at the hands of Cuban troops; Jimmy Carter's effort to conduct foreign policy based on principles, which ran foul of power considerations in Angola, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Afghanistan; and Ronald Reagan's embrace of these wars early in his first term as part of the revival of U.S. strength in its competition with the Soviet Union. The principal argument is that, while generally undervalued as controversial small wars of dubious significance, these wars were in fact integral to U.S. experience of limited war during the Cold War following victory in World War II. In strategic terms, the main conclusion is that the U.S. restricted itself to conducting economy of force contingency operations in Angola, Central America, and Afghanistan as a result of its costly struggles in Korea and Vietnam. Despite declaring these peripheral wars to be central to the Cold War, avoiding the costs of involving U.S forces directly in Third World conflicts and minimizing the risks of escalation with the Soviet Union were overriding political and military imperatives.

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Master of Arts / Department of History / Donald J. Mrozek / This work examines Maxwell M. Rabb's role in the area of civil rights and race relations from January 1953 through May 1958 during the administration of President Dwight D. Eisenhower. Rabb was the first Secretary to the Cabinet, a position created by Eisenhower. In his lesser known duty, Max Rabb quietly developed many aspects of President Eisenhower's civil rights program. Chapter One describes Rabb's pivotal role in ending segregation in the military establishment to include the Navy and the Veterans Administration. In this chapter Rabb is a lone operator, personally meeting with principal actors in the Eisenhower Administration and U.S. Congress to end segregation. Chapter Two examines how Rabb participated in and helped to develop the various organizations of the White House. As the organizations within the Eisenhower White House matured, Rabb was able to use them as roads into the problem of civil rights and to use their power to advance civil rights. The final chapter focuses on the confluence of race relations and human rights on the one hand with U.S. domestic and foreign policy on the other. The chapter uses four cases studies to illustrate the growing importance of American race relations in world affairs after World War II. Max Rabb's participation in each case serves as a reminder that the American domestic sphere had become a cause of international concern and could damage the credibility of U.S democratic values in the a world where racial sensitivity was on the rise and increasingly a factor in international relations. This work ends by concluding that Rabb's effectiveness was severely limited by President Eisenhower's narrow understanding of the limits of government. Rabb was a New Deal Republican serving in the administration of a man who rejected the activism required by New Deal Liberalism. Though Rabb served Eisenhower well, it was Eisenhower who failed to sense the full scope of the problems in U.S. civil rights and race relations.