This dissertation examines the mindset of establishment Louisiana during Huey Long"'s domination of state politics from 1928-1935. As such, it engages the period using a tool other than the Huey Long biography. It utilizes especially manuscript collections, including the T. Harry Williams oral interviews of anti-Longs, the newspaper record, and the secondary literature of the Long period. The character, rhetoric, and actions of several of the most articulate and important establishment anti-Longs are treated, including J.Y. Sanders, Sr. & Jr., Cecil Morgan, Mason Spencer, Hodding and Betty Carter, Hilda Phelps Hammond, and W.D. Robinson. The work makes the following major arguments. Firstly, that anti-Longs intensely although ineffectively opposed the Long program from 1928 and that their touted alternative program of reform was a smokescreen to make deficit-spending to fund infrastructure development institutionally impossible. Secondly, that the 1929 impeachment of Huey Long was caused by establishment opposition to a Long proposed oil tax and that although it shifted establishment rhetoric from a criticism of Long"'s ends to a criticism of his means, the shift was marked by moral and ethical hypocrisy. Thirdly, that the attacks on Long"'s personality which characterized anti-Long rhetoric were rooted in class contempt and alienated the balance of the electorate from anti-Longism. Fourthly, that the comparisons of Long to Hitler and to Mussolini do not stand up to scrutiny but did reflect a deep-seated establishment feeling of entitlement to power and of being bullied and much-abused by Long. Fifthly, that examining the establishment"'s historical memory of the events of the late nineteenth century, especially Reconstruction and Redemption, offers a productive line of enquiry into understanding their mentality, the meaning they attached to the term democracy, and their willingness to consider the legitimacy of political violence. / Alex J McManus

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Thesis (D. Min.)--Logos Evangelical Seminary, 2002. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 166-171).

The nature of the American Southern demagogue, best exemplified by Huey Pierce Long, is examined. Four novels which are based on Long's life: Sun in Capricorn by Hamilton Basso, Number One by John Dos Passos, A Lion Is in the Streets by Adria Locke Langley and All the King's Men by Robert Penn Warren, are used to exemplify literary representations of Long. First the individual personalities of the four demagogue characters are described. Next, the relationships of female associates to the demagogues are examined, then the relationships of male associates to them. The first conclusion is that virtually all associates of a demagogue, whether male or female, are in some manner affected by him. A second conclusion is that All the King's Men provides the best study of a Long-like character; its hero, Willie Stark, may consequently live longer in history than the real Huey Pierce Long.

Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die vermeintliche Krise staatlicher Ordnung Ende der 1960er Jahre in den USA und die Reaktionen der staatlichen Institutionen auf den Angriff durch politische Gewalt anhand einer performanz- und erzähltheoretischen Analyse von zwei Gerichtsprozessen. Beide Verfahren gegen Ikonen der Black Power-Bewegung, People vs. Huey Newton ab 1968, People vs. Angela Davis ab 1970 wurden zu einem Brennpunkt der gesamtgesellschaftlichen Debatte um Gerechtigkeit und demokratische Grundrechte. Durch eine Analyse der Interaktion aller beteiligten Akteure vor Gericht, der vorgebrachten Narrative sowohl im Gerichtsssaal als auch in der Presse, durch die Solidaritätskomittees der Angeklagten weitergetragen, ist eine performative Rekonstruktion des amerikanischen Rechtsstaates und der amerikanischen Demokratie auszumachen. Diese wurde unter Begriffen wie dem „fair trial“ und der Beziehung zwischen afroamerikanischen Bürgern und der Polizei und der Fähigkeit des Strafjustizsystems, Gerechtigkeit für alle seine Bürger zu garantieren, verhandelt. In den Prozessen wurde der inhärente Rassismus in der amerikanischen Gesellschaft als größte Hürde zwischen der bisherigen Rechtspraxis und einem solchen neu verhandelten Verständnis von Gerechtigkeit identifiziert, die als solche angenommene weiße Normalität des Justizapparats wurde sichtbar gemacht und dekonstruiert. In der performativen Neukonstruktion und -deutung der Akteure vor Gericht verschob sich dieses bisherige Machtgefälle vor allem innerhalb des Gerichtssaals, indem die Kategorien Race, Class und Gender neu zueinander in Bezug gesetzt wurden und die Angeklagten eine Selbstbehauptung als gleichwertige Rechtssubjekte im spezifischen Raum des Gerichts erlangen konnten. Zudem etablierte sich ein Juryauswahlverfahren, welches Bias explizit anerkannte. Durch diese Entwicklung wurde das narrative wie performative ‚Bedrohungsszenario‛, was zuvor von staatlichen Akteuren öffentlich konstruiert worden war, ausgehebelt; ein von staatlicher Seite angestoßener Sicherheitsdiskurs konnte sich nicht gesamtgesellschaftlich durchsetzten. / By analyzing two court cases, this dissertation examines the perceived crisis of Democracy in the late 1960s in the United States and the reactions of state institutions to the attack by political violence. Both trials against icons of the Black Power movement, People v. Huey Newton in 1968, People v. Angela Davis beginning in 1970, became a focal point of the overall social debate on justice and basic democratic rights. An analysis of the interaction of all of the protagonists involved in court, the narratives that were brought forward in the courtroom and in the press, and the defendants' solidarity committees reveal a performative reconstruction of the American rule of law and American democracy. This was negotiated under concepts such as the "fair trial" and the relationship between African-American citizens and the police and the ability of the criminal justice system to guarantee justice for all its citizens. In the trials, the inherent racism in American society was identified as the greatest obstacle between previous legal practice and such a renegotiated understanding of justice, making visible and deconstructing the white normality of the judicial system assumed as such. In the performative re-construction and reinterpretation of the actors in court, categories such race, class, and gender shifted, allowing the Defendants to achieve self-assertion as equal legal subjects. In addition, a jury selection procedure was established that explicitly recognized bias. This development undermined the narrative and performative "threat" which had previously been publicly constructed by politicians, and a security discourse initiated by the state was not able to assert itself throughout society.

<p>This dissertation investigates the relation between the formation of "Blackness" and the Western tradition of sovereignty through the works of late twentieth century Black Radical theorists. I most specifically examine the work of Stokely Carmichael, Amiri Baraka, Frantz Fanon, and Huey P. Newton in order to delineate a shift within Black Radicalism which, due to an intense de-linking of Black nationalism from the concept of territorial sovereignty throughout the 1960s and early 1970s led to the formation of a new subjectivity ("Blackness") oriented against and beyond the Western tradition of political sovereignty as a whole. </p><p> This dissertation begins by outlining the parameters of the concept of sovereignty as well as its relation to conquest, coloniality, and racialization more generally. I then examine the formation of Black Power as an expression of anti-colonial sentiments present within the United States and uncover there the influence of W.E.B. DuBois' concept of double-consciousness. I then further examine the concept of Black Power through the work of Amiri Baraka and his notion of "Blackness" as the proximity to "home." Each of these expositions of Black Power are undertaken in order to better understand the era of Black Power and its relation to both Black nationalism and the Western tradition of sovereignty. </p><p> Next, I turn to the work of Frantz Fanon, whom I claim prepares the way for the idea of "Blackness" as an ontological resistance beyond, not only the territorial imperative, but also the logic of sovereignty more generally. This notion of "Blackness" as an antidote to sovereign logic present within the work of Fanon allows me to turn to the work of Huey P. Newton in order to demonstrate his conceptualization of "Blackness" as an antagonistic subjectivity within a fully globalized society whose onset he had theorized and which he termed "empire." I conclude by drawing on each of the above theorists as well as the work of Angela Davis in order to build a retrospective summary of this alternative lineage of the Black Radical Tradition and its importance for the conceptualization of resistances to and life beyond our contemporary society.</p> / Dissertation

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 190 p.; also includes graphics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 186-190). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 186-190). Also available online as computer text data (1 PDF file, 0.66 MB). via OhioLINK's ETD Center.

This study has four main purposes: 1. To determine whether there is a preference for certain types of stories. 2. To find whether boys prefer one type story and girls another. 3. To determine whether the physical make-up or format of the book has any influence on the selection of books. 4. To find how these interests are related to classroom work.

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