Thesis (M. Soc. Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 155-163).

Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 168-172).

Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 155-163) Also available in print.

This thesis is an attempt to present certain aspects of Chinese social history in the light of current anthropological theory. It deals with non-kin associations, primarily in the traditional Chinese city, with a view to classifying them. Working with English source materials, I have collected together the available first-hand observations of these voluntary associations. The first major portion of the study deals with mutual aid clubs, clubs for the elite and commercial guilds, and this is followed by a treatment of the hui-kuan, or locality association, in the cities and countryside. It has been suggested that mutual aid clubs and clubs for the elite served many of the functions of the hui-kuan groups, and may have been formed by those individuals in a city who were not eligible to join such groups. The commercial guilds, on the other hand, were significant not only from the point of view of their control over trade and commerce, but also because of the system of indirect rule practiced by officialdom whereby the guilds were left in almost complete charge of the business management of the city. The hui-kuan associations must be considered as separate from the guilds because their basic criterion for recruitment was not common occupation but common geographical origin. The urban social hui-kuan were often clubs for the elite, while the commercial hui-kuan in the cities were mainly for merchants of the same occupation sharing common geographical origins. In general, the urban groups were the result of interregional trade, while the rural associations were the result of interregional migrations. The concentration of both kinds of hui-kuan groups in the central and upper Yangtze provinces can be directly related to the depopulation of that area and the subsequent migration of millions of peasants and merchants in the early Ch'ing period. My basic suggestion is that the hui-kuan associations met the needs of their members that would ordinarily have been satisfied by the kin group at home. In the case of south China in particular, the adaptive and integrative function is clear, as is the similarity between the services offered by the hui-kuan and the lineage, or tsu. Both the urban and rural groups helped the newcomer to adapt to his new surroundings and solve the particular problems he faced. Furthermore, they served as substitute kin groups and provided the means of preserving an individual’s ties with his home lineage. The concentration of hui-kuan groups in the once-depopulated areas of the central and upper Yangtze regions lends support to the argument of Pasternak, who, as opposed to Freedman, believes that in such "frontier" situations immigrants would form associations that cut across surnames and that lineages would not begin to form until conditions stabilized over several generations. Finally, a comparison with certain voluntary associations in modern Africa indicates the unique features of the Chinese non-kin associations: the disdain of officialdom and the system of indirect rule in the case of the guilds, and the preservation of membership in the home kin group in the case of the hui-kuan. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學硏究院神學學部. / Includes bibliographical references: leaves 285-299. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yan jiu yuan shen xue xue bu. / 前言 --- p.1-9 / Chapter 第一章 --- 倪拆聲的生平及時代背景 / Chapter ´¡ --- 引言 --- p.10-12 / Chapter ´Ł --- 早期生活（一九○三´ؤ一九二一） --- p.12-21 / Chapter ´Ø --- 初期工作時期（一九二二´ؤ一九二七） --- p.22-33 / Chapter ´Ð --- 獨立工作發展期（一九二八´ؤ一九三四） --- p.34-44 / Chapter ´Þ --- 工作的再思想前後期（一九三五´ؤ一九四二） --- p.44-56 / Chapter ´Æ --- 後期的生活（一九四三´ؤ一九七二） --- p.56-72 / Chapter 第二章 --- 倪拆聲的教會觀念的探討 / Chapter ´¡ --- 引言 --- p.73-76 / Chapter ´Ł --- 前期´ؤ´ؤ一九四五年前對教會的基本觀念 / Chapter 一 --- 教會的意義及本質 --- p.77-80 / Chapter 二 --- 教會的類型 --- p.80-84 / Chapter 三 --- 地方和地方教會的意義 --- p.84-86 / Chapter 四 --- 地方教會與使徒（工人） --- p.86-107 / Chapter 五 --- 地方教會的組織及工作 --- p.107-122 / Chapter ´Ø --- 後期´ؤ´ؤ一九四五年對教會觀念的一些基本改變 / Chapter 一 --- 工作中心的地方教會與普通的地方教會之別 --- p.123-127 / Chapter 二 --- 使徒與長老的關係 --- p.127-129 / Chapter 三 --- 教會中的權柄與順服 --- p.129-134 / Chapter 四 --- 使徒間「工作團體」性質的改變 --- p.134-136 / Chapter 五 --- 使徒質素的要求 --- p.136-138 / Chapter 六 --- 信心事業的處理及使徒的經濟問題 --- p.139-140 / Chapter 七 --- 福音移民的推行 --- p.141-146 / Chapter 第三章 --- 倪拆聲教會觀中主要觀念的討論及批評 / Chapter ´¡ --- 引言 --- p.147-148 / Chapter ´Ł --- 對倪拆聲的教會觀中幾個主要觀念的討論及批評 / Chapter 一 --- 教會的意義及本質問題 --- p.149-174 / Chapter 二 --- 「地方教會」及「字派」問題 --- p.175-188 / Chapter 三 --- 「使徒」和「工作」的問題 --- p.188-213 / Chapter 第四章 --- 聚會所的發展與其在中國教會史中的地位 / Chapter ´¡ --- 引言 --- p.214-215 / Chapter ´Ł --- 「聚會所」發展原因的探讨 / Chapter 一 --- 迎合民族主義的浪潮 --- p.216-226 / Chapter 二 --- 配合時代背景的需求 --- p.227-235 / Chapter 三 --- 「使徒」身份的特性 --- p.235-259 / Chapter 四 --- 教會總動員的力量 --- p.239-247 / Chapter ´Ø --- 「聚會所」在近代中國教會史中的表現和批評 / Chapter 一 --- 在「本色教會」運動中的表現 --- p.247-255 / Chapter 二 --- 在「平信徒訓練」運動中的表現 --- p.255-263 / Chapter 三 --- 對「讀經態度」和「字派」的表現 --- p.263-276 / 結語 --- p.277-284 / 參考書目 --- p.285-299

Authoritarian governments have long wielded education as political tools by which to transmit their conceptions of nationalistic identity, but does the same hold true of democratic governments? Transitioning from martial law to full democracy in the 1980s and 1990s, Taiwan serves as an ideal case study. As authoritarian rulers, Chiang Kai-shek and his Kuomintang (KMT) imposed education curriculum that legitimized their claims to be the rulers of all China. After martial law was lifted in 1987, dissenters could freely vocalize a Taiwanese identity that advocated for a sovereign Taiwan separate from the Chinese nation. Contemporaneously, Lee Teng-hui rose to power as a loyal KMT member, but as president he shifted away from Chinese identity to promote a sense of Taiwanese identity. Preceded by nationalistically Chinese KMT stalwarts and succeeded by one who pushed Taiwan even closer to independence, Lee was a transitional leader whose own ideological evolution reflected Taiwan’s shift from a staunchly Chinese political entity to a possibly independent state separate from the mainland. During Lee’s presidency, controversy erupted over the content of textbooks for a junior high course entitled Understanding Taiwan [renshi taiwan] that focused for the first time on Taiwan in its own right instead of as only one small part of China. The textbooks instigated a debate on identity, for how one regarded the accuracy or appropriateness of the textbooks reflected one’s views of Taiwan in relation to China. The debates and the textbooks’ contents revealed clearly that despite the considerable democratization occurring in Taiwan over the decade, curriculum content continued to mirror the convictions espoused by the central government—led by the democratically elected president Lee Teng-hui (1988-2000)—in much the same way that it had done so under the authoritarian rule of Chiang Kai-shek (1949-1975). / text

回民先世自入華以來，長期與周遭漢人相處，不但沒有融入於主體民族內，亦沒有消失在歷史洪流中，相反地，由於回民具有種種特質，而使人口數量逐漸擴張，此種特質的傳播與延續，主要靠教育。回民的教育，可粗分為世俗教育與宗教教育。世俗教育指大環境的主要思潮，一般是指儒學；而宗教教育則指傳授伊斯蘭知識，一般乃指經堂教育。 在回民儒化甚深之明中葉，部份回民學者有感於後繼乏人，且經文匱乏，甚至信眾不明教義，唯恐教民在主觀的認同依據上有所鬆懈，而為客觀的大環境所同化，故欲振興伊斯蘭，而有經堂教育的產生。經堂教育主要起源於傳統伊斯蘭世界的麥德萊賽教育內涵，兼融中國傳統私墊教育形式，由明中耆老胡登洲所興起且盛行於清。在中國境內以陜西、山東、雲南為發展重鎮，因學風之不同而陸續有陜西學派、山東學派以及雲南學派的產生。此外，運行二百餘年的經堂教育所衍生出來的產物，以及對回民內部所造成的作用與影響，再再顯示經堂教育除具有傳授知識的教育功能外；尚有回民自我認同與風俗習慣養成的內聚功能；教義傳播與教派統一的宗教功能；以及促進伊斯蘭學術發展的文化功能。 然對回民而言，雖在人口及宗教上處於弱勢，但由於本身具有強烈的認同伊斯蘭取向，以及在文化調適上採取融合、融入的因應之道，使其信眾及信仰足以繁衍及傳播。因此回民免於同化於大環境中的種種特性，均可直接反應在經堂教育中，然透過經堂教育所發揮的社會文化功能，乃更加鞏因了回民既有的特質。

Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 1982.

Thesis (M.S.W.)--University of Hong Kong, 1982.