Cette thèse étudie les politiques de sécurité et de défense développées dans la corne de l’Afrique. Notre objectif principal est de montrer qu’en Somalie, en Érythrée, en Éthiopie et à Djibouti les facteurs politiques, historiques, économiques et sociaux se combinent pour expliquer la situation d’insécurité totale qui règne dans la région. Sa position géostratégique fait d’elle, une zone très convoitée pour mieux lutter contre le terrorisme et la piraterie. Cet avantage géographique est peu rentabilisé à cause des guerres civiles, des contentieux territoriaux et des catastrophes naturelles qui ont engendré l’une des plus grandes crises humanitaires et alimentaires au monde. Devant cet état de fait, les politiques de sécurité et défense, qu’elles soient régionales et continentale, semblent être impuissantes. Les échecs de ces politiques découlent, d’une part ; des discordes entre les chefs d’État et, d’autre part ; du manque de moyens financiers des États, de l’Union africaine et de ses organismes sous régionaux (l’IGAD et le COMESA). En étudiant le cas de Djibouti, nous montrerons que la politique de sécurité nationale souffre de plusieurs maux. En effet, la corruption, le clientélisme, le tribalisme et le détournement des deniers publics affaiblissent la politique sécuritaire et incitent les populations appauvries aux soulèvements. Djibouti, étant l’un des pays le plus stable de la région, constitue un baromètre pour mieux mesurer les nouvelles menaces qui déstabiliseraient la zone. Pays limitrophes des foyers du terrorisme et de la piraterie, il est le choix d’implantation, par excellence, des bases militaires françaises, américaines, japonaise et de plusieurs autres contingents. Ainsi, en bénéficiant de l’aide et de la protection de ces États, il devient, par conséquent, une cible des groupes terroristes. L’apport sécuritaire et économique des bases sont indéniables. Cependant, elles ne manquent pas d’impacter négativement sur son environnement social. / This thesis studies the politics of security and defence that have been developed in the Horn of Africa. Our main objective is to show that in Somalia, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Djibouti there are political, historical, economical and sociological factors that explain the prevailing insecurity within the region. Its geostrategic position makes it a coveted area for fighting terrorism and piracy. Nevertheless this geographical advantage is not as profitable as it could be because of civil wars, boundary disputes and natural disasters that have generated one of the world’s biggest humanitarian and food crisis. Security and defence policies, whether regional or continental, have shown to be powerless when facing these realities. The failures of these policies are due to disagreements between Heads of State and to the lack of financial resources within States, the African Union and its sub-regional agencies such as IGAD and COMESA. By studying the case of Djibouti we will prove that national security policies have been weakened by corruption, clientelism and tribalism, which has lead to the insurgence of the impoverished population. Because Djibouti is one of the most stable States in the region, it serves as a barometer that measures new treats to the stability of the zone. As a neighbouring country to the hotbeds of terrorism and piracy, Djibouti is where the French, the American and the Japanese have settled their military bases; it has also consequently become the target of terrorist groups. The military bases have certainly improved the security and the economy of the area but they have also had a negative impact on its social environment.

This master's thesis analyses the different narratives constructed by three actors, towards the war in Yemen. The thesis will draw on the constructivist theory to answer the question: how do different actors construct the war in Yemen and the humanitarian crisis in their discourses and narratives? To answer this question, the theoretical part defines different concepts, such as identity, norms, national interest, strategic narrative and discourse. It presents the constructivist understanding of identity as a social construction, shaped by collective components of knowledge, symbols, language and norms. The empirical part attempts to identify the narratives constructed by the Houthis, Saudi Arabia and the EU towards the war in Yemen, which provoked a Saudi-led military intervention when the Houthis seized the capital and declared the establishment of a new government in March 2015. The Houthis consider the intervention as an aggression to Yemen and as the main cause of suffering of the Yemeni people. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia presents the crisis as Iran's attempt to control the country and spread its influence throughout the region. Furthermore, Saudi Arabia argues that it intervened only as a response to the demands of the internationally recognized government under president Hadi. Finally, the EU...

The refugee crisis is an ongoing challenge for the European Union. Refugees from the Middle East, the majority of them Syrians, are risking their own and their children’s lives, putting their money –both figuratively and literally speaking- on the chance of surviving the almost six-year long war in Syria.The brutal death of thousands of refugees in the Aegean Sea’s waters was the reason why the EU mechanisms have started to mobilize seeking a solution. The ‘problem’ was not possible to be hidden under the carpet anymore. It was reaching the highly developed Europe’s doorstep.The media coverage of the crisis has started to emerge in a greater extent throughout 2015, as a result of the ‘explosive’ increase of the refugee flows. In the beginning it was just a synthesis of innumerous personal tragedies, before it became an official European ‘problem’.If we ‘leap’ through time and refer on today, we can observe that the massive death toll in the Mediterranean was only the starting point of a vicious circle, which is strongly related with developmental, political and communication issues.Through this thesis my goal was to examine how four European newspapers (which represent both Europe’s North and South) have reported on the biggest humanitarian crisis in Europe since the World War II. What strikes me as a very interesting aspect is that the refugees, as representatives of the developing countries have come in the territory of the European developed countries. Therefore I believe that there is space for a wide development dialogue and I would like to examine at what point the media seized this opportunity to reflect on development issues, through their cover stories.I have performed a combination of quantitative/qualitative methods of analysis. A full scale content analysis of 85 articles has been performed as the quantitative part and this was my primary research method. My secondary method of analysis was about the visual elements used by the newspapers and I have relied on semiotics to examine 141 photographs.

隨著中國大陸日益增加對非洲事務的參與，中國大陸與非洲之間關係的研究受到前所未有的重視。雖然學界已有相當多關於中非關係的研究，但對於北京在達佛（Darfur）危機中所扮演的角色仍缺乏探討。因此，為了彌補現有文獻的不足，本論文對達佛危機進行更全面性的瞭解，更重要的是，本論文將從非洲的角度出發，追蹤並分析從2003年起迄今中國大陸在處理達佛危機中所扮演的角色。 達佛隸屬於一個自後殖民時代起就戰亂頻仍、擁有不斷自相殘殺歷史的國家—蘇丹。該地區暴力的多樣性、衝突型態的複雜度、盤根錯節的內戰起因、以及人道危機的暴行，皆讓蘇丹的達佛充滿著許多不穩定因素。 然而，正是在這樣的政治社會脈絡下，北京政府不顧國際社會要求停止對北蘇丹政權（Khartoum）援助的呼籲，做出對達佛投資以促進中國大陸國家利益的決定，儘管北蘇丹政權仍在達佛地區進行近似種族滅絕(genocide)的毀滅性戰爭。 藉由探討中國大陸對北蘇丹政權的支持是否間接造成達佛地區的人道危機，本論文旨在檢視中國大陸在達佛地區武裝衝突所涉及的面向，以及中國大陸在處理該地區危機中所扮演的角色。 關鍵字: 蘇丹、達佛、中國大陸、人道危機、政治性策略戰爭、衝突管理。 / With the growing presence of Mainland China in Africa, relations between the two continents have increasingly been the subject of unprecedented scrutiny. Although the Sino-African relations are largely covered by the mass media, they, however, remain under-researched especially with respect to the role played by Beijing in the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. Our dissertation seeks therefore to fill out such gap by providing a comprehensive understanding of the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Darfur, and more importantly by tracing, based upon an African perspective, the role that China has played in the management of the humanitarian crisis in Darfur from 2003 to contemporary days. Darfur is a region which is part of a country that has been at war with itself through the entire history of its post-colonial journey. The multiplicity then of the fighting movements in the region, the complexity of the configuration of the conflicts, the interconnectivity of the underlying causes of the civil war, and the atrocity of the humanitarian crisis have made Sudan, and Darfur specifically, a volatile composite region. Nevertheless, it is in such a socio-political landscape that China has decided to invest and advance its national interest defying the international community’s calls for Beijing to end its assistance to Khartoum which has been conducting a destructive war akin to ‘genocide’ over Darfur. With the intention to examine whether China is underwriting the genocide in Darfur by backing Khartoum, the core purpose of our dissertation would, indeed, be to figure out what has, in fact, been the Chinese dimension in armed conflicts in Darfur and the role played by Mainland China in the management of the humanitarian crisis in the region. Key words: Sudan – Darfur – Mainland China – Humanitarian Crisis – Strategic Political Warfare – Conflict Management