Since the events of September 11, 2001, the threat of terrorism has gained ever more political salience, occupying a place at the top of the EU political agenda. In response to the perceived threat, the EU has developed a distinct approach to counter-terrorism, themed around what is called the "fight against terrorism‟. This approach is more than just a set of institutional or public policy responses designed to negate the threat of terrorism; it is also an influential political discourse which plays an important role in the construction of counter-terrorism policy and the legitimisation of counter-terrorism policy responses. This thesis uses critical discourse analysis to study the discursive construction of EU counter-terrorism policy. It uses representative extracts from twenty counter-terrorism documents prepared by/or for the EU institution the European Council, across a ten-year period from November 1999 to December 2009. The analysis identifies several strands of the "fight against terrorism‟ discourse, which it is argued are central to its constitution and that remain consistent across the period analysed. In the post-September 11 period, these strands of the counter-terrorism discourse play an important role in constructing an ubiquitous internal/external "terrorist‟ threat. These include: terrorism as a "criminal act‟; terrorism as an act perpetrated primarily by "non-state actors‟; terrorism as "new‟ and seeking to gain access to and/or use weapons of mass destruction; the threat of terrorism linked to an "open‟ or "globalised‟ geo-strategic environment, thus requiring measures of "control‟ at the EU border; and the threat of terrorism linked to "violent radicalisation‟ or "Islamist terrorism‟, emanating both internally ("home-grown terrorism‟) and externally to the EU. When these different strands are taken together they constitute the "fight against terrorism‟ discourse. It is argued that this discourse helps to construct the identity of the EU, whilst simultaneously the identity of the EU is central to the formulation of counter-terrorism policies. As such, the representations contained within the counter-terrorism discourse and counter-terrorism policy are considered to be mutually or co-constitutive. The main contention of the thesis therefore is that EU identity is constituted through the "fight against terrorism‟ discourse. Critical discourse analysis was chosen as a method through which to investigate EU counter-terrorism policy because it allows us to: map how the "fight against terrorism‟ discourse is constructed; to demonstrate how it provides a language for talking about terrorism; to understand how the discourse defines what is accepted knowledge about (who or what is) terrorism; and to reveal how that knowledge structures the counter-terrorism policy response as a "natural‟ or "common-sense‟ approach to the challenge of terrorism. This approach is novel in the sense that it is attentive to often neglected issues such as identity. In particular, it explores how the "fight against terrorism‟ discourse construct a "European‟ sense of Self in opposition to a "terrorist‟ Other. It investigates the extent to which the "fight against terrorism‟ discourse plays a role in the legitimisation of new security practices; as well as reflecting on the extent to which these practices are contributing to the blurring of the distinction between internal and external security policy. It also considers whether the discourse is reflective of a process of "securitisation‟ of social and political life within Europe.

Professional learning, commonly referred to in policy and practice as continuing professional development, is presented to teachers as both a requirement and an entitlement in current education policy (Gewirtz, 2002; Ball, 2003). This work explores the ways in which professional learning is experienced by three teachers, and the meanings they attribute to those experiences. The study adopts a narrative approach to these accounts (Clandinin, 2013; Clandinin and Connelly, 1996; 1998; 2004) and is underpinned by the recognition of the complexity in the interplay between the individual teacher and their social context specifically focusing on “the relationship between the state, the ideologies of professionalism, and lived interiority” (Hey and Bradford, 2004: 693). The methodology was developed to overcome the problem of policy and aspects of practice that fail to focus on the effective involvement and engagement of teachers in professional learning: the teachers have become “missing persons” (Evans, 1999: i). The research process placed the meaning made by the teachers of their past experiences, and the way they understood them in the present, at the centre of the research (Kelchtermans, 2009; MacLure, 1993). Data were collected as part of a collaborative process with teachers who shared and analysed their narratives of professional learning through a series of research conversations. The teachers gave accounts of the people and incidents that they understood to be significant in influencing their professional learning, in relation to their expectations of themselves and of professionals and people more generally. In doing so they drew on both professional and personal contexts (Makopoulou and Armour, 2011). There were significant challenges in relation to ethics, analysis and re-presentation. This study illustrates the complexity and contingency of teachers’ professional learning through their understanding of themselves and their interaction with, and response to, significant people and incidents (Kelchtermans and Vandenberghe, 1994). Their “stories to live by” (Clandinin and Connelly, 1998: 149) illuminate the ways in which teachers explain the complexities and contingencies underpinning their experiences of professional learning. The data illustrate the crucial role that context plays in understanding professional learning (Clandinin and Connelly, 2000: 27) and the challenges teachers face in balancing their roles as policy subjects and policy actors (Ball, Maguire, Braun and Hoskins, 2011a and b). This work makes a unique contribution to the field of professional learning by using the detailed individual cases of each teacher to illustrate general concerns for the development of effective policy and practice. It also contributes to the methodological debates around the use of narratives as a means of understanding the “human condition” (Arendt, 1958). The data challenge us to consider the possibilities that narrative accounts and analyses offer for the generation of knowledge in this area with implications for both teachers and other professionals, and policy and practice.

The main purpose of this thesis is to qualitatively study how the argumentation appears in the museum debate from 2016 in the Swedish newspapers ”Svenska Dagbladet”, ”Dagens Nyheter”, ”Expressen” and ”Aftonbladet’” from a rhetorical perspective. Research was performed on two to three mounths worth of debate articles from 2016. The thesis has been analysed through both classic rhetorical analysis and from Norman Fairclough’s three- dimensional model in order to answer the questions as to how the argumentation was done in order to acutate the writers positions, which discources that was managing in the debate and how the writers treats the concepts ”identity policy” and ”standard criticism”. Based on the articles that the thesis analysed, I were able to draw certain conclusions. First, the debate concists of writers who argument from rhetorical style figures to persuade one another. Writers identify with each other alternatively exclude from each other, depending on the discourse they are belonging to. And the view of the museum plays a major role in debate, that contributes to the discourse belonging.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:31:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PSO - Leni B Lanza.pdf: 934902 bytes, checksum: 7e7449f577bb44740d5db8663f834b57 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-16 / This research focuses on the presence of men in Nursing and tries to find out who they are and what they want to be, both personally and professionally. The life stories and projects of four subjects who graduated in the last three decades, plus the ones of a male student who is currently at the university, were analysed. The qualitative methodology was used and we have tried to reveal the noticeable and/or emergent identity policies in this reality, as well as the emancipatory possibilities. The studies of Ciampa and Habermas were used as theoretical references. Through the categorization of four life stories and going deeper in the analyses of the individual subject in the fifth story, who was considered emblematic, we have concluded that these male nurses have studied Nursing either by their own option or influenced by the family, besides considering Nursing as a feasible job possibility. They have embodied provider characters showing the re-position of this character in building their identity. They consolidate the ideology of knowing in order to command, reinforcing the power of hegemony groups in the health care institutions. They believe their admission to the profession will contribute to the social recognition they desire, reinforcing efficiency, professionalism, scientificity ideologies, the ugly duckling in relation to doctors category, experiencing the character super nurses supermen which, likewise, has been affecting women in Nursing for over a century as super nurses superwomen . They are part of the assistance model that attends the technicist market, without innovative projects neither for their working environment nor for collective attitudes in search of changes. We believe that the overcoming of the conflicts pointed out in this study may happen gradually, intersubjectively and objectively, making it real in conquering space and power, together with self reflection for conscientious choices, always in search of the understanding in social relationships. We think it is vital to discuss beyond scientificity, competence, gender or power. It is necessary a progressive and ongoing negotiation based on ethics and moral; an identity policy to face technicist paradigms, which are dominant and dehumanizing, both for the patients as well as for the health care agents in this context / Esta pesquisa enfoca a presença dos homens na Enfermagem, buscando conhecer quem são e quem querem ser enquanto pessoas e profissionais. As histórias e projetos de vida de quatro sujeitos graduados nas três últimas décadas, e de um acadêmico atual foram analisadas, utilizando-se da metodologia qualitativa, buscando-se desvelar as políticas de identidade presentes e/ou emergentes nessa realidade, e as possibilidades emancipatórias, tendo-se como referenciais teóricos os estudos de Ciampa e de Habermas. Por meio da categorização de quatro histórias de vida e do aprofundamento do estudo do sujeito considerado emblemático na quinta narrativa, verificamos que esses enfermeiros-homens ingressaram na Enfermagem por opção e influenciados pela família, além de considerarem como alternativa viável de trabalho. Encarnaram personagens de provedores demonstrando a re-posição dessa personagem na construção da identidade. Consolidam a ideologia do saber para mandar, reforçando os grupos hegemônicos do poder nas instituições de saúde. Acreditam que seu acesso à profissão contribuirá para o reconhecimento social almejado, reforçando as ideologias da eficiência, do profissionalismo, da cientificidade, do patinho feio em relação à categoria médica, vivenciando a personagem super-enfermeiros-superhomens , que igualmente assola as mulheres na Enfermagem há mais de um século, como super-enfermeiras-super-mulheres . Comungam com o modelo de assistência voltado para o atendimento do mercado tecnicista, sem projetos inovadores quer para o espaço de trabalho em que se inserem, quer para posturas coletivas que busquem mudanças. Acreditamos que a superação dos conflitos apontados pelo estudo pode se dar progressivamente, intersubjetivamente e objetivamente, concretizando em conquista de espaços e de poder, acompanhada pela auto-reflexão para escolhas conscientes, pautando-se na busca do entendimento nas relações sociais. Consideramos essencial a discussão para além da cientificidade, competência, gênero ou poder. É necessária uma contínua e progressiva negociação permeada pela ética e pela moral, uma política de identidade voltada para enfrentamentos dos paradigmas tecnicistas, dominantes e desumanizadores, tanto para clientes quanto para os agentes de saúde desse contexto

L’intérêt d’une étude portant sur les espaces périphériques européens découle des transformations qui affectent les frontières depuis les années 1980 : alors que l’intensification de flux transnationaux de différentes natures semble les ignorer, la disparition des marques physiques les symbolisant tend à les invisibiliser, et la promotion de politique de coopération au niveau communautaire, à les dépasser. Parmi les zones frontalières, celles qui partagent une histoire commune offre un véritable intérêt heuristique : l’analyse de l’évolution des rapports sociaux, économiques, politiques et institutionnels qu’entretiennent les sociétés frontalières se double d’une interrogation sur la permanence de liens identitaires par-delà la frontière. Dans le département des Pyrénées-Orientales, l’attrait pour la Catalogne se traduit, depuis le début des années 2000, par deux phénomènes concomitants : tandis que les projets de coopération se sont multipliés et diversifiés, des acteurs politiques et sociaux ont entrepris de revivifier le sentiment d’appartenance à la localité. L’étude tend à montrer que l’intensification des interactions n’a pas abouti à l’avènement d’un espace transfrontalier intégré et que les actions identitaires ne semblent pas redessiner le circuit des allégeances territoriales. Tout se passe comme si, au rebours de l’idée préconçue d’une Europe « sans frontières », les limites territoriales jouaient toujours un rôle dans la structuration des représentations et l’orientation des conduites. / The interest of a survey about european surrounding spaces follows from the transformations affecting the borders since the 1980’s : even if the transnational movements of different natures seem to take no heed of them, even if there’s a tendency to turn their physical marks invisible, and even if the political promotion of cooperation at a community level tend to overcome them. Among the border belts, those having a common history afford a real heuristic interest ; the analysis of the economical, political and institutional relation development as well as social relations maintained by border belts couples with an interrogation about the continuity of identity links over the border. Since the beginning of the 2000’s, in the Pyrénées-Orientales departement, the appeal for Catalogne has been resulting by two concomitant phenomenoms : whereas cooperation plans have increased and diversified,political and social protagonists have undertaken to revive the feeling of belonging to the local place. The survey tends to show that the interaction intensification hasn’t resulted in an integrated cross-border space advent and that identity actions don’t seem to change the territorial allegiance channel. Everything is going as if, counter to the preconceived idea of a “no border” Europe, the territorial limits were still playing an important part in the representation structures and management tendency.