Against the backdrop of repeated political violence between Israel and different belligerents in the first and second decades of the 21st century (2003-2017) and by employing a social-psychological theoretical framework, this dissertation explores the effects of political violence on Israelis ’ social and national identities. The findings support the discussion of the social consequences of political violence in Israel, be them increased cohesiveness among different social groups (ethnic minority and majority) or social fragmentation and increased polarization between other groups (rich vs. poor or political right vs. left). Whereas Social Identity Theory constitutes the theoretical base for the explored hypotheses, Israeli social place-making practices are also discussed. Topic Whereas a vast amount of literature has been dedicated to the effects of exposure to violence on individuals and groups for over a century, it mainly focuses on type, duration or location of such violence. Since the relevant literature seems to consider the occurrence of political violence a unitary phenomenon, it consistently fails to attend to a most important factor- the aftermath of such violence. By overlooking the discrepancy in violence’ aftermath and by neglecting any analysis derived from it, I argue that the comprehensive literature examining the social effects of political violence and post-conflict societies is missing a vital piece of the puzzle. Accordingly, the contribution of this dissertation to the conflict literature is twofold: first, it disaggregates the aftermaths of two common forms of political violence, wars and military operations and explores their effects on individuals, groups and the Israeli society as a whole. Second, it closely examines some of the central assumptions of Social Identity Theory, one of the most comprehensive theories of group relations in the context of concrete political violence. It does so while paying special attention to highly fascinating identity components and basic social building blocks: national identification, social trust and social rifts in Israel. Methods The dissertation employs various methodologies: First, a macro-level, statistical examination of the relationship between different war outcomes and socio-national identities was conducted using two web-based experiments. Second, a qualitative analysis of Zionism in Europe and in Israel’s early years complemented a discussion of Israeli narratives of belonging, memory politics, ingredients of national pride and contemporary social challenges. Third, a quantitative micro-level analysis of the effect of successful and unsuccessful military operation on the Israeli society was conducted. The latter utilized a unique, self-compiled database, following an extensive manual content analysis , alongside data originating in annual social surveys conducted in Israel by the Guttmann institute. Knowledge gained The first empirical chapter (chapter four) was set to establish the underlying assumption upon which the dissertation is based; Namely, that different outcomes of political violence have distinctive effects on individual identities. In this chapter, predictions derived from Social Identity Theory were put into an initial macro-level analysis through two original web experiments. The latter explored the effect of different war outcomes (distinguishing between victory, defeat, stalemate and a negotiated agreement) on social and national identities . Whereas the research supported the underlying hypothesis according to which distinctive war outcomes are associated with distinctive effects when national identification is concerned, no significant differences between war outcomes were found in relation to individuals’ social identities. These results are consistent with Social Identity Theory and the self-esteem protection/enhancement strategies derived from it (BIRGing and CORFing ); the significant differences between war outcomes (mainly between victories and defeats) are explained by individuals’ tendencies to share in the glory of a successful other (to BIRG) following a positively evaluated war outcome, and to distance themselves from an unsuccessful group (to CORF), following a negatively valued war outcome. The non-significant results concerning social identities are consistent with Simmel’s conflict hypothesis suggesting that conflicting interactions strengthen the internal cohesion of pre-existing groups. In this regard, it appears as though individuals react to the conflict itself whereas its aftermath did not play any significant role. The overall outcomes obtained thus laid the foundations for an extensive micro-level analysis of the effect of outcomes of political violence on socio-national identities among Israelis. Chapter five refocused the attention on the state of Israel and the Israeli society. It provided a historical analysis of Jewish-Israeli nationalism, rooted in the Zionistic movement in Europe in the late 19th century, which preceded the establishment of the state of Israel. The analysis centered on nation-building processes which took place in Israel’s first years, namely, the constructing of a new Jewish-Israeli identity by means of institutionalizing the Hebrew language as an official language, integration of new immigrants and the role of the Israeli defense force as a melting pot. The study of the origins of Israeli national pride, both in the country’s first years and in contemporary times, complemented the discussion as it is entwined with both Jewish and Israeli identities. The analysis suggests that while Israel was established as a democracy, it was never a space of ethnic diversity. As the national home for world jury based on a Zionist narrative and highly influenced by the Holocaust, no plurality of ethnic discourses existed in Israel in over 50 years. The research describes the way state-sponsored dominant Jewish and Zionist narratives morphed into a uni-dimensional Israeli identity. This, in turn, prevented Arab-Israelis, the largest ethnic minority in Israel, from being incorporated into the Israeli society. Recurrent political violence as part of the on-going Israeli Palestinian conflict further contributed both to the exclusion of Arab-Israelis from the original Israeli narrative and to the bonding of Jewish Israelis. It was only in the last decades and against the backdrop of significant changes endured by the Israeli society that place-making processes were put on the political and social agenda. Whereas nation and community-building processes are still prominent in contemporary Israel, they now exist side by side a vibrant and vocal discourse of post-Zionism, Jewish secularism and “Israelism” which is not based on Judaism but on an Israeli cultural narrative. Persistent political violence that contributed to social fragmentation in Israel’s first decades alongside cultural commonalities between Jewish and Arab Israelis now begin to serve as a common denominator in contemporary Israeli society. If those continue to resonate among Israelis, it is thus not implausible that they would eventually substitute Judaism and Zionism as social unifiers in the process of creating a “same boat” society. Under such circumstances and with diminishing boundaries between Arab and Jewish Israelis, the former will no longer be construed as an “out-group” by the Jewish majority in Israel. Nonetheless, drifting away from the original Jewish integrator and common factor of more than 75% of the country’s population may threaten the Jewish communities of Israel with social fragmentation. Consequently, the study of the effect of political violence on both Jewish and non-Jewish communities in Israel set forth in the upcoming chapters is of great importance for the future of Israel. Chapter six set out to examine the relationship between Israelis and their nation-state following different outcomes of Israeli military operations. Special attention was paid to changes in levels of national pride among Jewish Israelis, Arab Israelis and new immigrants across a tempestuous ten-year period (2003-2013) and in conjunction with successful and unsuccessful conclusions of Israeli warfare, as perceived by the Israeli public. Using a regressing analysis of data originating in social surveys, the research tested the validity of predictions derived from Social Identity Theory in both the individual and the social levels. Results indicate that the effect of recurrent warfare on national identification among Israelis is highly mitigated by the perceived outcome of such warfare as well as by sub-group membership (ethnic/social majority vs. minority). Consistent with Social Identity Theory, an Israeli military success was highly associated with increased national identification for the general Israeli population. However, contrary to conventional wisdom and to the “minority hypothesis ”, the same effect was also registered among Israeli Arabs. While Israeli Arabs, the largest ethnic minority in Israel, might share neither the country’s collective Jewish narrative nor its Zionist ethos they are Israeli citizens who nonetheless feel a sense of belonging to the state of Israel . As such, they are a part of a larger in-group which shares personal and economic interests. Those are equally and existentially threatened when Israel is experiencing unsuccessful military operations. This positivistic evidence suggests that Israeli Arabs’ identification with the state of Israel lies in the area of “Israeliness that is beyond Jewishness”. The analysis also affirmed the existence of an “embedded identity effect” concerning national identification among Jewish Israelis; Israeli Jews, the majority ethnic group in Israel, maintained high national-identification levels regardless of the way the warfare was concluded. This finding is unsurprising considering Israel’s Jewish character and the circumstances of its creation. Whilst societies subjected to external threat may unite in the face of a common enemy, chapter seven sought to examine whether this is true in the Israeli context and if so, whether the outcomes of political violence mitigate the effect. Whereas a large scholarship examined the effect of violence on social cohesion and political tolerance in Israel, it mostly focused on Arab-Israelis and immigrant. The research presented in chapter seven studied the effect of discrepant outcomes of Israeli warfare on social cohesion, social tensions and trust between the various communities of Israel (both Jewish and non-Jewish). The research focused on the general level of social trust in society alongside six specific social rifts, prevalent in present-day Israel: the intercommunal rift (between the Israeli Jewish community and the Israeli-Arab community), the Jewish intercommunal rift (between Jews of Ashkenazi and Sephardic/Mizrachi origins), the religious rift (between orthodox and non-orthodox Jewish communities), the ideological/political rift , the socio-economic rift and the nativist tension (between native Israelis and new immigrants). Results revealed a highly significant effect of Israeli military success concerning all six social rifts and a very mild effect concerning social trust. For all but one rift (the Jewish inter-communal rift), successful termination of Israeli warfare was associated with an increased social tension between the different communities in Israel (though in different levels of significance). This unfortunate finding which points to increased fractionalization among the different communities in Israel following Israeli military successes is in line with several other studies examining the effects of political violence on political exclusionism in Israel. Whereas the literature supports the notion that in time of crisis social cohesion increases, it is not surprising to find increased tensions following military successes rather than failures. An exception to the observed rise in social tensions in Israel is the increased cohesion between Ashkenzi and Sephardic/Mizrachi Jews (the Jewish intercommunal rift). The results support the conclusion that the Jewish population, the majority ethnic group in Israel, is united behind the idea that Israel is a homeland for the Jewish people (and possibly a necessary refuge from rising anti-Semitism around the globe). A decrease in Jewish intercommunal tension following Israeli victories supports the cohesive potential of in-group pride and is consistent with the Jewish foundation and Zionistic narrative of Jewish Israelis and with the existence of an embedded Jewish-Israeli identity . As for the national level, a “rally around the flag” effect is a term used to describe the uniting power of common threats. An underlying motive for this surge in national unity is linked to patriotism, as individuals respond to threats by identifying with their in-group . However, when the crisis is over, politics and society quickly revert to normal and existing social rifts resurface. Whereas an unsuccessful termination of an Israeli military operation is likely to induce a “rally around the flag” effect, a military success demonstrates the opposite effect. Consequently, the seemingly rising tensions between various communities in Israel observed following an Israeli military success is consistent with a reverse “rally around the flag” effect and reflects the fractionalized nature of the Israeli society. Another explanation to the observed trend of increased social tensions following a successful warfare may be directly linked to the experience of in-group guilt or shame despite a successful outcome. Such gilt might lead to rising tension between those who are more/less supportive of the outcome, or perhaps feel that more should have been done to achieve a more solid outcome. Finally, the increased tensions may speak to the theorized dynamic at the heart of the present and similar works that reflects the more destructive side of pride and in-group glorification. According to that scholarship, out-group hate can even extend to people perceived to be “hostile minorities ”. Whilst the increase in intercommunal tension is expected and in line with the results of similar studies examining the effect of violence or stress on the relationships between Jewish and Arab Israelis, the increase in religious tensions, socio-economic tension and ideological tensions could be reflective of a second circle of out-group hate; Supporters of the political left alongside less observant and wealthier elements of the Israeli society , may experience in-group guilt and possibly shame despite the perceived successful outcome, thus distancing themselves from those experiencing pride at the outcome. The effect of education, in particular higher education, in reducing social tensions and increasing social trust emerges as another important finding of this research. Whether education provides a sense of optimism and control over one’s life that allows people to trust, or whether it provides opportunities for contact and networks’ creation with others, the study confirms the potential role of education in reducing social tension even in a highly diverse and conflict-torn Israeli society. Moreover, since social divisions may be exploited by political entrepreneurs, and since increasing social tensions might result in the erosion of social capital, raising the alarm would be the first step in directly addressing such important issues (for example, by policy making). Lastly, any serious peace negotiation with a Palestinian leadership would require difficult concessions to be made by both parties. As such, the way towards a peaceful conclusion of the Israeli Palestinian conflict would inevitably depend, among others, on the social strength and cohesion of the Israeli civil society.:Table of Contents 1. Introduction 1.1 Background and Motivation ................................................................................. 7 1.1.1 National Identification ............................................................................ 10 1.1.2 Social Trust ............................................................................................. 14 1.1.3 Focusing on Israel ................................................................................... 16 1.2 Prologue ............................................................................................................. 17 1.3 Contribution Scope ............................................................................................. 18 1.4 Overview of Aims and Chapters ........................................................................ 20 2. Theoretical Framework: Conflict Research, National Identification and Social Trust Part I: Conflict Research 2.1 Conflict Research ................................................................................................. 24 2.1.1 General Theory and Practices ................................................................ 25 2.1.2 Contemporary Trends and Challenges ................................................... 26 2.1.3 Looking Forward ................................................................................... 27 Part II: Belonging, Identity and the Nation 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 Identity Formation ................................................................................................ 28 Social Belonging and Group Identification ......................................................... 29 The Sense of Belonging, Nationhood and Statehood .......................................... 30 2.4.1 What is a Nation? ................................................................................... 30 2.4.2 National Identification ........................................................................... 32 2.4.3 Hierarchies of National Belonging ........................................................ 33 2.4.4 The Nation State .................................................................................... 34 2.4.5 Nationhood and Statehood ..................................................................... 35 Conflict Patriotic Affinity: Conceptual Outlines ............................................................. 38 2.6.1 Between Patriotism and Nationalism ..................................................... 41 Coping With Threatened Social Identity ........................................................... 42 and Group Identification ........................................................................ 36 2 3 2.7.1 Social Identity Theory ......................................................................... 42 2.7.2 Basking In Reflected Glory ................................................................. 45 2.7.3 Cutting Off Reflected Failure .............................................................. 46 2.7.4 Self-Embedded Social Identity ............................................................ 48 2.7.5 National Identity of Ethnic Minorities ................................................ 50 Part III: Social Trust and Cohesiveness 2.8 Social Capital and Cohesion .............................................................................. 52 2.9 Unraveling the Riddle of Social Trust ............................................................... 54 2.9.1 Threats to Social Trust and Social Cohesion ....................................... 56 3. Methodology 3.1 Macro-level Analysis ......................................................................................... 60 3.1.1 Appropriateness ..................................................................................... 60 3.1.2 A Short History of Web Experiments .................................................... 61 3.1.3 Web Experiments: Advantages and Challenges .................................... 63 3.2. Micro-level analysis ........................................................................................... 69 3.2.1 Focusing on The state of Israel and Israeli Society ............................... 69 Contemporary Israeli Media .................................................................. 72 Military Censorship ............................................................................... 75 3.2.2 Episodes of High Intensity Political Violence ....................................... 75 3.2.3 Perceived Outcomes of Political Violence ............................................ 77 3.2.4 Relevant Issues Concerning the Use of Survey Data ............................ 78 Vague Concepts .................................................................................... 78 Categorizing Identities .......................................................................... 80 3.2.5 The Israeli Democracy Index ................................................................ 82 3.2.6 Control Variables ................................................................................... 83 3.3 Framing in Communication and Their Effect on Public Opinion ...................... 84 3.3.1 The Use of Emphasis and Equivalence Framing in Shaping Public Opinion .................................................................................................. 85 3.3.2 The Effect of Frames in Shaping Individual Perceptions ...................... 87 3.3.3 Assessing a Frame’s Strength in Political Settings ................................ 88 4. The Ending matters: National and Social Identification Following Discrepant War Outcomes 4.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................... 90 4.2 Experimental Study I ........................................................................................... 93 4.2.1 Procedure and Experimental Design ..................................................... 93 4.2.2 Measures ................................................................................................ 95 4.3.3 Results .................................................................................................... 95 4.2.4 Discussion .............................................................................................. 99 Seriousness Check ................................................................................. 99 National Identity .................................................................................. 100 Social Identity ...................................................................................... 102 4.3 Experimental Study II ......................................................................................... 103 4.3.1 Using video Vs. Text in Experimental Research ................................. 103 4.3.2 Procedure and Experimental Design .................................................... 104 4.3.3 Measures .............................................................................................. 105 4.3.4 Results .................................................................................................. 106 4.3.5 Discussion ............................................................................................ 109 Seriousness Check ............................................................................... 109 National Identity .................................................................................. 109 4.4 Limitations ....................................................................................................... 110 4.5 Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 111 5. Focusing on the State of Israel and Israeli Society 5.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................... 114 5.2 Jewish Nationalism and the Zionist Movement in Europe .............................. 114 5.3 Zionism, National Identity and Hebrew Culture Following the Establishment of The State of Israel ....................................................................................... 118 5.3.1 The Israeli Defense Forces .................................................................. 119 Serving in the Israeli Defense Forces .................................................. 120 Education, Socialization and Nation Building ..................................... 121 The Effect of the IDF on the Israeli Society ........................................ 123 5.3.2 Sport as an Integrative Tool for Shaping Israeli Collective Identity ... 129 5.4 The Jewish and Democratic Nature of the State of Israel ................................ 132 4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5 Current Challenges to Contemporary “Israeliness” ........................................ 134 5.5.1 Ethnic-religious Classification of Israelis- Between Citizenship and Nationality ........................................................................................... 136 5.5.2 Israeli Nationalist Particularism ........................................................... 137 Israeli Patriotism and Ingredients of Israeli National Pride ............................. 140 5.6.1 Tzedakah, Gemilut Hasadim and Tikun Olam ..................................... 141 5.6.2 Mashav ................................................................................................. 142 5.6.3 Operation “Good Neighbor” ................................................................ 144 Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 148 6. Together We Stand? Perceived Outcomes of Political Violence and National Pride 7. 6.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 150 6.2 Hypotheses ...................................................................................................... 151 6.3 Data, Measures and Method ........................................................................... 153 6.3.1 Focusing on Israel .............................................................................. 153 6.3.2 Military Operations ............................................................................ 154 6.3.3 Survey Measures: National Identification ......................................... 155 6.3.4 Perceived Outcome of Military Operation ......................................... 157 6.3.5 Control Variables ............................................................................... 158 6.4 Findings and Discussion ................................................................................ 159 6.4.1 Preliminary Findings .......................................................................... 159 6.4.2 Disaggregating the Israeli Society ..................................................... 163 6.4.3 Interaction Analysis ........................................................................... 164 6.5 Robustness Checks ......................................................................................... 169 6.5.1 Israel’s General Situation ................................................................... 170 6.5.2 Proximity to the Center of Violence .................................................. 171 6.6 Conclusion ..................................................................................................... 172 In Us We Trust? The Effect of Military Operations on Social Cleavages and Social Cohesion in Israel 7.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 174 7.2 Hypothesis ....................................................................................................... 175 7.3 7.4 6 Data, Measures and Method ............................................................................ 179 7.3.1 7.3.2 7.3.3 7.3.4 The Israeli Society in Context ............................................................ 179 Military Operations ............................................................................ 181 Perceived Levels of Tension and Trust in the Israeli Society ........... 183 Perceived Outcomes of Israeli Military Operations .......................... 185 Control Variables .............................................................................. 185 7.3.5 Findings and Discussion .................................................................................. 186 7.4.1 7.4.2 7.4.3 Preliminary Findings ......................................................................... 187 The Effect of Individual Level and Country Level Variables on Social Tensions and Social Trust ....................................................... 189 Examining the Effect of Israeli Military Operation on Inter-group Tensions ............................................................................................. 193 Exploring the Rise and Fall of Social Trust ...................................... 197 7.4.4 Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 200 7.5 8. Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 203 8.1 Limitations ...................................................................................................... 210 8.2 Going forward: Ideas for Future Research ...................................................... 213 8.3 Final remarks/Epilogue ................................................................................... 215 9. References ................................................................................................................ 218 10. List of Figures .......................................................................................................... 254 Appendices A. The Evolution of Conflict Research in the 20th Century ................................. 255 B. Supplementary Material Chapter Four ............................................................ 268 B.1 Experiment I .......................................................................................... 268 B.2 Experiment II ......................................................................................... 274 B.3 Witnessing a Real Conflict as a Potential Covariate ............................. 287 C. Supplementary Material and Robustness Checks, Chapter Six ....................... 288 D. Supplementary Material and Robustness Checks, Chapter Seven .................. 308

This thesis looks at the role of discrimination and ethnic group identity as explanations of political behaviour of ethnic minorities in Britain. Chapter 2 examines vote choice and partisanship, arguing that a group utility heuristic explains the high level of support for the Labour party among ethnic minorities. I provide individual-level evidence of this heuristic by showing that ethnic minority voters support the Labour party to the extent that they are (i) conscious of the experiences of their ethnic group members with regards to discrimination, and (ii) believe that the Labour party is the best political party to represent their interests. These two attitudes mediate the effects of group-level inequalities. Chapter 3 asks whether Muslims are alienated from mainstream politics by Islamophobia and British military intervention in Muslim countries. I find that perceptions of Islamophobia are linked with greater political alienation, to a greater likelihood of non-electoral participation, but also to a lesser likelihood of voting. Likewise, disapproval of the war in Afghanistan is associated with greater political alienation and a greater likelihood of some types of non-electoral participation. I also provide strong evidence that Muslims in Britain experience more religious discrimination than adherents of other minority religions. Chapter 4 considers the interaction between the extreme right and ethnic minority political attitudes and behaviour. I find evidence that the extreme right British National Party (BNP) increases voting for the Labour party, at the expense of minor parties and abstention. Surprisingly, the BNP effect also benefits the other main parties. Although they do not benefit in increased vote share, Liberal Democrat and Conservative party and leader evaluations are more positive where the BNP stood and performed better in 2010, which I suggest is due to the electoral contrast provided by the BNP. Chapter 5 looks at the mobilisation effect of ethnic minority candidates on ethnic minority voters. I find a positive mobilisation effect of Pakistani and Muslim Labour candidates on Pakistani and Muslim voters, conditional on someone trying to convince the respondent how to vote. I also find a demobilisation effect of Labour Muslim candidates on Sikh voters.

This thesis addresses the “foreign talent” situation in Singapore with an ethnographic account of the lived experiences of immigrant PRC students on scholarships, or “PRC scholars.” For some two decades, the Singapore government has annually recruited middle school students from China in their hundreds, selecting them through tests and interviews, granting them full scholarships at either pre-undergraduate or undergraduate level, and, very often, “bonding” them to work subsequently in Singapore for a number of years. Wooed and appropriated in such a way as prized potential human capital, PRC scholars exemplify the Singapore state’s desire for “foreign talent.” In the first decade of the twenty-first century, as the influx of all manners of “foreign talent” into the small city-state gathered pace, local sentiments and discourses of resentment arose. The local-vs-“foreign talent” problem became a serious strain on a city and people proud of their cosmopolitanism. This thesis analyzes the “foreign talent” situation through the ethnographic “macro-trope” of desire. It argues that “foreign talent” is a site of convergence and divergence, collusion and collision, accommodation and contestation, fulfillment and failure of various individual, sociocultural, and political desires and longings. Through the lens of desire, and its psychoanalytic undertones and insights, this thesis looks ethnographically into the PRC scholars’ “foreign talent” journeys in nuanced ways. Based on ethnographic fieldworks carried out in a Chinese middle school and a Singaporean university, the thesis shows how Chinese students are constituted as specific subjects of desire, and how they subsequently develop certain perceptions, attitudes, and stereotypes about the local “other” as well as about themselves after arriving in Singapore as “foreign talent.” Infused with multifarious desires, the PRC scholars’ experiences are often characterized by angst and dissatisfaction; yet it is also argued that generative subjective transformations take place precisely amidst these dynamics and pragmatics of desiring. Ultimately, this thesis seeks to make possible an ethical re-imagination of the “foreign talent” situation in Singapore from the perspective of desire; to provide an account of the so far little-studied Chinese migrant students in the context of Singapore; and to speak more broadly to the cultural and subjective dimensions of human experiences in the context of educational mobility, identity politics, and globalization.

This diploma thesis is dealing with social work theories and their usage in practice of social workers. Theoretical part describes their historical evolution until actual crisis of social work. Afterwards it is aimed on specific model, task centred approach. This approach has in Czech environment exceptional position, because it shows parallels with Act on social services and Standards of social services quality. Conclusion of theoretical part is dedicated to relationship between how social workers use in their practice social work theories and how this state is reflected in their professionality. Practical part is processed in form of qualitative research in which ten social workers took part. Through half structured interview were mapped if and which way social workers are using in their practice social work theories, and their experiences with task centred approach. Results of research, which are more closely elaborated within final discussion showed suppressed importance of theories. Social workers usually in their practice are not using specific theory (nor task centred approach), but they more rely on "their own theories" or internal rules of organization where they work.

This thesis investigates sociolinguistic variation among highly fluent Slovak-English bilingual women and also long-term immigrants residing in Edinburgh, Scotland. The present study adds to existing literature on urban migratory experiences (Block, 2008; Forsberg, Lundell and Bartning, 2015; Howley, 2015), comparing cross-cultural variation of immigrants' speech with their local peers (Drummond, 2010, 2012; Meyerhoff et al., 2009), by exploring linguistic and social constraints on language attitudes and accent acquisition among bilingual Slovak immigrants. Sociolinguistic interview data were obtained from 32 women, ages 22-46: 20 Slovak immigrants, 8 Edinburgh Scottish participants, and 6 bilingual Slovak teachers of English in Slovakia. By considering linguistic and social factors that influence Slovak immigrants' variation, in this thesis I ask not just whether and to what extent do local language communities shape immigrants' identity, but also how their identity affects their language attitudes and pronunciation. The thesis pays particular attention to how implicit and explicit language attitudes combine to establish what Block (2008) called a "multidimensional" identity in immigrants. Further investigation establishes a link between identity and production (Redinger and Llamas, 2014; Podesva et al., 2015) by drawing on the variationist sociolinguistic methodologies set out by Labov (1966, 2001, 2006). Implicit language attitudes were collected via a Verbal Guise Task (VGT), during which participants evaluated speakers of foreign and native English accents (Campbell- Kibler, 2006; McKenzie, 2015; McKenzie and Carrie, 2018). Explicit attitudes were collected via a questionnaire designed to elicit attitudes in a casual setting (Dörnyei and Csizér, 2012). The combination of methodologies revealed that immigrant participants in the study held complex attitudes and motivations in relation to their host country. The results for language attitudes suggested that long-term Slovak immigrants experienced shifts to their identity while residing in Scotland, with most adopting a transnational identity that made them amenable to local language communities while maintaining connections with their home country. Their identity represented a degree of integration with Scottish communities, but transnational immigrants often felt separate from both home and host countries as a result. The present study also explores connection between identity and production which is now well recognised (Kobiałka, 2016; Regan, 2016; Regan and Ni Chasaide, 2010; Bucholtz, 2011). Immigrant participants' pronunciations of FACE and GOAT vowel lexical sets (Wells, 1982) were evaluated in comparison to two language groups that represented different standards of pronunciation: native Scottish participants in Edinburgh, with more monophthongal pronunciations (Schützler, 2015); and English-Slovak bilinguals residing in Trnava, Slovakia, whose vowel productions were highly diphthongal and similar to Received Pronunciation (RP) constructions. Comparative study of pronunciations revealed that the immigrants' FACE and GOAT realisations were relatively more monophthongal than the non-immigrant Slovak group, yet more diphthongal than the native Scottish group - effectively making immigrant Slovaks' mean pronunciations separate and distinct from both native standard varieties. However, the immigrant's pronunciations varied widely, and data modelling revealed associations between key social factors and pronunciation. Settings of high formality, strong European and Slovak identities, and intentions to return to Slovakia were associated with relatively more diphthongal pronunciations. Decreased formality, strong Scottish identities, and lack of formal education before immigration were associated with relatively more monophthongal pronunciations. Key findings in the study reinforce observations of multi-cultural identities in longterm Slovak immigrants. Drawing on work that explores variation in language attitudes (Clark and Schleef, 2010) and production in migratory settings (Meyerhoff and Schleef, 2014), I argue that there is a tendency for immigrants to shape their multi-cultural identities in response to linguistic and social contexts. However, internal contexts such as self-definition were equally important in shaping identities, which in turn affected language attitudes and pronunciation.

Bibliography: leaves 256-293. / xii, 293 leaves : col. ill. ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Explores the intricacies of girls' micro-social lived realities within larger macro-social contexts and the notion of identity as process by centring on the process of 'self-making' by ten teenage girls, living in Adelaide, South Australia in the mid 1990s. The main hypothesis argues for the strategic role of play in the constitution of 'self-making'. This is contextualised within an analytical framework of 'social praxeology', highlighting the importance of social networks to the ways the teenage participants themselves perceived and negotiated subjectivities. Argues that the young participants in this study acquired their sense of cultural (self) identities through three aspects of 'bodily praxis' - place, space and play. While the understandings of the girls and their familial and social groupings provides the focal point to the analysis, these were framed within the perspectives of sixty-five other young people and over fifty significant adults in various social institutions and wider social networks and further contextualised by a reflexive analysis of the research process itself. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Anthropology, 1999

Bibliography: leaves 339-372. / 372 leaves : ill. (chiefly col.) ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Maintains, and substantiates in the ethnographic context, that cultural identity is both a conscious and symbolic construction. The ethnography is situated in the Shepherd (Central) Region of the Republic of Vanuatu, a Y-shaped archipelago in the south west Pacific Ocean. Fieldwork was conducted between July 1995 and February 1997 on two islands - Mataso and Efate. Mataso and Matah Keru communities have gradually become distinct, each possessing particular structural organizations, customs (kastom) and histories. Yet, the two groups remain united. Credence in historical ancestors, indigenous mythologies and territorial places continually cement an ethnic commitment between urban and rural dwellers, a bond that is forever reinforced through the movement of persons between places. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Anthropology, 2000?

Bibliography: leaves 256-293. / xii, 293 leaves : col. ill. ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Explores the intricacies of girls' micro-social lived realities within larger macro-social contexts and the notion of identity as process by centring on the process of 'self-making' by ten teenage girls, living in Adelaide, South Australia in the mid 1990s. The main hypothesis argues for the strategic role of play in the constitution of 'self-making'. This is contextualised within an analytical framework of 'social praxeology', highlighting the importance of social networks to the ways the teenage participants themselves perceived and negotiated subjectivities. Argues that the young participants in this study acquired their sense of cultural (self) identities through three aspects of 'bodily praxis' - place, space and play. While the understandings of the girls and their familial and social groupings provides the focal point to the analysis, these were framed within the perspectives of sixty-five other young people and over fifty significant adults in various social institutions and wider social networks and further contextualised by a reflexive analysis of the research process itself. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Anthropology, 1999

342f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-05-08T16:36:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissert_André de Carvalho.pdf: 5274337 bytes, checksum: 8b323748baa5979f5fe8a9b6e788b76d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Alda Lima da Silva(sivalda@ufba.br) on 2013-05-08T19:01:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissert_André de Carvalho.pdf: 5274337 bytes, checksum: 8b323748baa5979f5fe8a9b6e788b76d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-08T19:01:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissert_André de Carvalho.pdf: 5274337 bytes, checksum: 8b323748baa5979f5fe8a9b6e788b76d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / A pesquisa se oriente por aspectos basilares dos estudos culturais que estipulam a identidade social como objeto e produto de construções simbolicas a partir de práticas discursivas, mais efetivas em textos da mídia, reconhecida como a principal construtoda de identidades. A investigação constata que a a Paraíba, como estado nordestino, é secularmente projetada ao imaginário nacional de forma depreciativa, em virtude de suas condições de atraso socioeconômico, problemas reputados a agentes políticos, representação identitária que se confirma na rede discursiva do jornalismo contemporâneo que enfocou graves escandalos protagonizados por importantes políticos paraibanos na história recente. Por outro lado, nos últimos anos, a Paraíba também passou a ser foco da mídia em virtude de seus atrativos naturais e culturais de grande valor econômico para o setor turístico. Assim, a tese defendida de que a mídia constroi discursivamente duas identidades regionais, a política, em sentidos depreciativos, e a turística, em signos de exaltação. Hipótese que o estudo procura comprovar com a análise de reportagens jornalisticas de editorias especializadas, da política e do turismo, em reflexões que se incumbem da tarefa de perscrutar crítica e reflexivamente sobre a praxis do jornalismo contemporâneo, em particular nos gêneros político e turístico. Alem de contextualizar aspectos fundamentais de fenômenos turísticos e da produção de saberes multidiciplinares que se ocupam de tal tema. A metodologia empregada é a da Análise do Discurso. / Salvador

Ausgehend von einer Betrachtung des Identitätsbegriffes unter Darstellung der Konzepte von Erik H. Erikson und Heiner Keupp wird untersucht, welchen Einfluss SocialWare auf die Identität der Benutzer haben kann. Nach Einführung des Begriffes virtuelle Identität werden Ansätze und Modelle aufgegriffen, die die Auswirkungen der Internetnutzung im Allgemeinen beschreiben und ihre Anwendbarkeit auf den Bereich der SocialWare geprüft. Dazu zählen die Selbstmaskierungs- und die Selbsterkundungsthese sowie die Problematik des Eskapismus. Des Weiteren werden eigene empirische Ergebnisse zur Selbstdarstellung in Form von stichpunktartigen Profilen beschrieben und die Verwendung von Begriffen wie Freundschaft kritisch hinterfragt.