A Articulação no Semiárido (ASA Brasil) organização que reúne mais de 3000 movimentos sociais, sindicatos, ONGs, associações, coletivos locais e regionais surge, em 1999, com o intuito de fortalecer a reivindicação por soluções definitivas às dificuldades de abastecimento e acesso à água no semiárido brasileiro. Por um lado, o enfoque da ASA está no desenvolvimento e consolidação de um amplo leque de estratégias organizativas voltadas à valorização da autonomia e ao fortalecimento político dos camponeses. Por outro lado, as organizações e movimentos que compõem a ASA dedicam-se à construção e difusão de tecnologias alternativas, de baixo custo, que possibilitam o armazenamento hídrico descentralizado por meio da captação de água da chuva, sendo as cisternas de placas a principal entre elas. Através das estratégias assumidas e das tecnologias alternativas desenvolvidas, as organizações e movimentos sociais ligados à ASA assumem uma posição política contrária às tradicionais soluções hídricas assentadas nas grandes obras de açudagem e nas medidas paliativas de combate à seca, sobretudo por estas resultarem na concentração do abastecimento de água e abrirem espaço para a reprodução de relações de dominação político-clientelistas, sendo a troca de água por voto sua expressão mais evidente. Em 2003, foi criado o Programa de Formação e Mobilização Social para a Convivência com o Semiárido: Um Milhão de Cisternas Rurais (P1MC), fruto de uma parceria estabelecida entre a ASA e o governo federal. Transformada em política pública, a distribuição das cisternas de placas exigiu da ASA a configuração de um aprimorado processo organizativo, de modo a possibilitar um considerável alargamento do alcance espacial dessa articulação e sua atuação em múltiplas escalas geográficas. Tomando como referência a estrutura organizativa e as estratégias configuradas pela Articulação, dedicamo-nos, nesta tese, à análise da dimensão política das ações de convivência com o semiárido desenvolvidas pela ASA. Nesta abordagem, constituem-se objeto de nosso interesse as implicações decorrentes da relação estabelecida com o Estado e os antagonismos frente às tradicionais políticas de combate à seca. Com base nas informações obtidas através de entrevistas, análise documental e trabalhos de campo, fomos levados a considerar as ações político-interventivas e as representações que acompanham as perspectivas de combate à seca e convivência com o semiárido como ideologias geográficas que evidenciam, através do regionalismo, contrapostos interesses de classe, revelando um conflito que encontra na relação entre política e espaço um elemento central. / The Articulation in the Semi-arid (ASA Brazil) organization that assembles more than 3.000 social movements, syndicates, Non-governmental Organizations, associations, regional and local collectivities arose in 1999, with the intention for strengthen the demand for definite solutions to supplies and water access difficulties of the Brazilian semi-arid. On the one hand, ASAs focus is development and consolidation of wide range organized strategies directed in valuation of autonomy and political strengthening of the peasants. On the other hand, ASAs organizations and movements pursue for building and propagation cheaper alternative technologies that allow decentralized water storage through rain capture, being plates tanks the main option among them. Through the adopted strategies and developed alternative technologies, organizations and social movements joined ASA admit an opposite political position to traditional water troubleshooting based on big buildings and palliative ways to struggle against drought, mainly for these ones result in water storage concentration and open up space for reproduction of political-customer domination relationships, being water change for vote the most evident expression of this. In 2003, The Formation and Social Mobilization for Living in the Semi-Arid Program: One Million of Rural Tanks (P1MC) created as a product of an established union between ASA and federal government. It has been become a public policy, the plates tanks distribution required from ASA the configuration of a refined organizational process, so that to enable a reasonable expansion of spatial reach of this articulation and its action on multiple geographic scales. Taking organizational structure and configured strategies by ASA as references, here, we aimed to analyze political dimensions of relationship with the semi-arids actions developed by ASA. In this approach, the object is composed of consequential implications from established interaction between the State and opponents against traditional politics of struggle against drought. Based on obtained data by interviews, documentary analysis and field works, we have considered that political-interventional actions and representations which are side by side to the struggle against drought and relationship with the semi-arid perspectives as geographic ideologies, that shows through the regionalism, contrary class interests, revealing a disagreement essentially triggered by relation between politics and space.

The primary purpose for this research is to examine and identify the social functions of Limón Patwa, a closely related language to Jamaican Patwa spoken by the Afro-Caribbean community of Costa Rica. There is a unique relationship regarding the language contact between Spanish and LP, where the maintenance of this English based language can certainly be complicated by a Spanish language dominant environment. Studying the historical migration of this Afro-Caribbean population to Costa Rica in the 1800s sheds light on the systemic oppression and the lack of integration into Costa Rican society that Afro-Costa Ricans faced in the midst of their arrival to Puerto Viejo (“the old port”). I conducted 8 sociolinguistic interviews with Limón Patwa speakers with efforts to better understand the usage of Limón Patwa, along with valuable information about being of African descent and living in Costa Rica. In addition to interviews with Patwa speakers, a matched guise audio survey was elicited to that involved listening to speakers of Patwa vs speakers of Spanish along with one audio recording of a Patwa speaker using Spanish. A Likert scale was used for participants to rate these voices as trustworthy, intelligent, and friendly, for example, in order to analyze how Patwa speakers are perceived by the general population. Furthermore, this research gives insight to where negative ideologies surrounding Limón Patwa and its speakers may stem from and how it influences the usage of LP. This study takes into consideration the issues of political power and the aspects of language identity, calling to attention the importance of efforts to maintain this minority language among an underrepresented community.

Le processus de catégorisation sociale occupe une place centrale dans la psychologie des relations intergroupes comme fondement des stéréotypes, des préjugés et de la discrimination. Il est aussi au cœur des débats sur les modèles politiques d’intégration interrogeant différentes voies possibles du vivre ensemble. Pour construire une société harmonieuse et cohésive, doit-on être aveugle aux différences ethniques, culturelles ou religieuses comme le prône la tradition républicaine française et donc éviter la catégorisation, ou faut-il, au contraire, reconnaître et mettre en valeur les différences culturelles et religieuses à l’instar d’une politique de multiculturalisme ? L’objectif général de cette thèse est de combler le manque de recherche sur une telle problématique en France en examinant de manière systématique l’influence du modèle républicain et du multiculturalisme sur les relations intergroupes, croisant le point de vue du groupe majoritaire et des populations minoritaires.Une première série d’études (N=338) visait à développer un instrument mesurant l’adhésion aux principes du modèle républicain. Elles révèlent deux facteurs distincts caractérisant cette adhésion : la citoyenneté, associée au à des attitudes favorables à l’égard du multiculturalisme et des minorités, et la laïcité, porteuse de préjugés et de conservatisme. L’étude 3 menée auprès de minoritaires (N=42) atteste du traitement égalitaire qui caractérise la citoyenneté, promotrice d’intégration et non d’assimilation.Dans une deuxième partie, l’étude 4 s’intéressait à analyser l’incidence causale des modèles d’intégration par leur induction expérimentale auprès de minoritaires Maghrébins (N=126). Les résultats montrent que ces modèles génèrent des effets positifs sur le bien-être, l’identification aux groupes et des orientations égalitaires. Elle souligne aussi le rôle du contact occasionné par la présence d’un expérimentateur du groupe majoritaire ou minoritaire.Usant du même protocole expérimental, une troisième et dernière partie empirique étudiait les attitudes du groupe majoritaire après induction des modèles d’intégration et des situations de contact. L’étude 5 (N=82) atteste que le multiculturalisme véhicule moins d’intolérance comparée au modèle républicain français au contact d’un expérimentateur majoritaire, mais conduit à une augmentation de l’hostilité intergroupe après rencontre d’un expérimentateur immigré. L’étude 6 (N=93) réduisant le statut hiérarchique avec un compère Maghrébin confirme la responsabilité du multiculturalisme dans l’expression d’un biais défavorable aux minorités. L’ensemble de ces résultats appuie l’idée d’effets bénéfiques partagés par les deux modèles mais distingue aussi des conditions limites à leur application. / The process of social categorization is central to the psychology of intergroup relations as the cognitive basis of stereotyping, prejudice and discrimination. It is also very much involved in current political debates about integration models and ways of managing cultural and religious diversity. In order to develop an harmonious and cohesive society, should one be blind to cultural, ethnic or religious differences as advocated by the French republican tradition, and thus avoid ethnic or religious categorization, or to the contrary, should one recognize, accept and value cultural and religious differences as advocated in a multiculturalism policy? The general aim of this thesis is to examine in a systematic manner the impact of the Republican model, and of the multiculturalism model, on intergroup relations from the perspective of both majority and minority group members.In a first series of studies (N = 338), an instrument designed to measure attitudes toward the principles of the Republican model was developed. The results indicate two distinct dimensions underlying these attitudes: republican citizenship, a dimension related to positive attitudes toward multiculturalism and minority groups, and secularism, a dimension related to prejudice and conservatism. Study 3 confirms among minority group members (N = 42) that citizenship is an egalitarian dimension, positively related to integration as an acculturation strategy rather than assimilation.In a second part, Study 4 tested the experimental effects of the integration models among participants of North African origin (N = 126). The results revealed a positive effect of both models on well-being, group identification and egalitarianism. The group membership of the experimenter (minority vs. majority group member) was also shown to be important.Using the same experimental paradigm, a third and final part concerns the reactions of majority group members. Study 5 (N = 82) showed that multiculturalism is more effective than the Republican model to reduce prejudice but only when the experimenter is a majority group member. The reverse is observed when the experimenter is a member of a minority group. Study 6 (N=93) showed that this effect does not stem from the fact that the minority group member has the high status of the experimenter..Overall, the results suggest that both models can generate positive effects but that there are conditions that can prevent the materialization of these effects.

This study involves a first attempt to identify Chinese auditors’ values and examines their effects on ethical ideologies and ethical judgments and intentions. A survey methodology is used and the survey instrument includes a self-administered questionnaire and a short auditing ethical case. A sample of Chinese CPAs with auditing experience was drawn from accounting firms located in Shenzhen, Hangzhou, Beijing, and Kunming cities during 2006-7. Three hundred and twenty-five useable responses were received. The theoretical framework for this study is based on Forsyth’s (1980) model of ethical ideologies. This study identifies Chinese auditors’ cultural values as (1) Chinese traditional cultural values, (2) interpersonal relationships (guanxi), and (3) attitudes towards money. This study posits that Chinese auditors’ cultural values will impact on their ethical ideologies and that their ethical judgments and intentions are, in turn influenced by the ideologies they prefer. In this study, Chinese auditors’ ethical judgments and intentions are examined using a well understood ethical dilemma in auditing, specifically whether an auditor should accept a client’s suggestion to inappropriately alter the financial position or to adhere to accounting and professional standards. Four research questions are proposed in this study: 1. What national cultural values best describe Chinese auditors? 2. How do Chinese cultural values impact ethical ideologies (i.e., Idealism and Relativism) as they apply to practicing auditors? 3. Do identifiable ethical ideologies, adopted by auditors, influence the decision making process in issues relating to audit independence? In particular, ethical judgments and intentions. 4. How do certain contextual matters, namely firms’ ethical culture and personal factors influence ethical ideologies? / Chinese auditors’ beliefs about their national cultural values are measured using the Chinese Cultural Values (CVS) used in the Chinese Culture Connection (1987). Chinese auditors’ guanxi orientations are measured using a 12 item scale based on Ang and Leong’s (2000) 9 items favour-seeking guanxi scale and three items constructed by the author concerned with rent-seeking guanxi orientations. Chinese auditors’ attitudes towards money are measured using Tang and Chiu’s (2003) the Love of Money Scale (LMOS) scale. Chinese auditors’ beliefs about their firms’ ethical cultures are measured using Hunt et al.’s (1989) corporate ethical values scale. Chinese auditors’ ethical ideologies are determined by using Forsyth’s (1980) ethical position questionnaire (EPQ). Finally, Chinese auditors’ ethical judgments and intentions are measured using an auditing case study. The major statistical methods used in this study are descriptive, t-tests, correlations, and regression analysis. The following significant results are presented in this study: 1. Chinese auditors display strong views about their traditional cultural values in four of the five national dimensions, the exception being Confucian Work dynamism past orientation. Young auditors appear less concerned with Integration issues compared to their older counterparts. Again, younger and less experienced auditors display less interest in the Human-heartedness dimension compared to their older counterparts. Auditors with Masters Degrees identify less with Confucian Work dynamism future orientations when compared to those who hold a Bachelors degree. / Attitudes towards the Confucian Work dynamism dimension future orientation are found to be positively associated with Idealism, however attitudes relating to Confucian Work dynamism dimension past orientation component are found to be negatively associated with Idealism. Further, attitudes relating to Confucian Work dynamism dimension past orientation component are found to be negatively associated with Relativism. 2. Chinese auditors display significantly higher mean scores in both favour-seeking and rent-seeking guanxi orientations. Young and less experienced auditors are more likely to use rent-seeking guanxi than older and experienced auditors. Chinese auditors’ rent-seeking guanxi orientations are found to be negatively associated with Idealism and both favour-seeking and rent-seeking guanxi orientations are found to be positively associated with Relativism. 3. Chinese auditors’ attitudes towards money are high in two of the four dimensions relating to the love of money, namely the importance of money and the desire to be rich dimensions. Their attitudes towards money are significantly higher than for Hong Kong employees. Male auditors displayed significantly higher mean scores in the desire to be rich dimension than female auditors. Young auditors have significantly higher mean scores in the success and motivator dimensions compared to older auditors. Chinese auditors’ beliefs about the importance of money are found to be positively associated with Relativism. Interestingly, no association with Idealism was identified in this study. 4. Chinese auditors have stronger beliefs about their firms’ ethical cultures to compare the mid-point value but their beliefs are significantly lower than for American subjects. / Junior and senior auditors are less likely to believe their managers display unethical behavior compared to accounting firm partners. Auditors employed in work environments where punishment systems exist are likely to disclose attitudes that are positively associated with Idealism. Alternatively, auditors employed in work environments where managers are believed to display unethical behaviour are likely to disclose attitudes that are positively associated with Relativism. 5. Chinese auditors display relatively higher ethical positions (on both Idealism and Relativism) to compare the mid-point value. Males hold stronger relativist positions than females and older auditors are more idealistic than their youthful counterparts. Auditors who hold senior positions are more likely to be relativists compared to juniors. Chinese auditors’ ethical judgments are found to be positively associated with Idealism and negatively associated with Relativism. However, their ethical intentions are only found to be negatively associated with Relativism. Young auditors appear less ethical in terms of their judgments than older auditors and less experienced auditors are less intentioned compared to experienced auditors. This study contributes to our understanding of Chinese auditors’ values and their ethical ideologies and the effects these have on their ethical judgments and intentions. It is the first research to include a wide range of ethical decision-making factors within a business context in China using qualified CPAs. It is believed that valuable insights have been gained about the various cultural factors influencing ideological processes and how these flow through to the decision making level. / The study also contributes to the existing body of knowledge by providing additional evidence that ethical decision making is a universal concept involving moral philosophies such as those suggested by Forsyth (1980) and Hunt and Vitell (1986) and applies in an auditing context in China. Moreover, this study develops a rent-seeking guanxi scale based on Su et al.’s (2003) classification of guanxi orientations and Ang and Leong’s (2000) guanxi scale. It contributes by providing a scale to measure the extent to which business relationships involves back door deals and power dependence. One of the significant contributions of this study is that it contributes to the construction of a meaningful measure for the guanxi scale which includes favour-seeking guanxi and specifically for the first time, rent-seeking guanxi. Thus a confirmatory analysis with an independent sample could be used in the future to re-test the guanxi scale with the two dimensions developed in this study. contributions of this study is that it contributes to the construction of a meaningful measure for the guanxi scale which includes favour-seeking guanxi and specifically for the first time, rent-seeking guanxi. Thus a confirmatory analysis with an independent sample could be used in the future to re-test the guanxi scale with the two dimensions developed in this study.

[Truncated abstract] The 1974 Indonesian Marriage Law required all divorces to be ratified by courts and vested household leadership with husbands. This thesis examines the impact of this law upon the negotiation of divorce, and its implications for the constitution of state and social power. I argue that the New Order state used this law to attempt to control gender relations and reinforce political legitimacy, but that women and men resisted this project in a variety of ways. Divorce may entail the contestation of state ideological prescriptions on gender. It also reveals gender relations operating independently of the state. As such, it is a particularly fruitful site for an analysis of the location and constitution of state and social power. In order to analyse the complex relationship between marriage, divorce, and power, I have adopted several original strategies. I expand the definition of property to encompass

<p>English is the most widely spoken language in the world and for this reason it would be of advantage for everyone to learn it. This thesis reports on the language ideologies and attitudes of Francophone learners towards English in the Central Province of Cameroon, a central African country. It offers a critical examination of the different attitudes and motivations of Francophone learners towards English as a third language at secondary schools in the city of Yaound&eacute / . It also presents the most important factors that appear to play a role in shaping their attitudes towards English, a language that many of the respondents appear to find hard to learn. Central to these factors are the prevailing language ideologies in Cameroon.</p>

This study has investigated the question of relation between literacy practices in and out of school in rural Tanzania. By using the perspective of linguistic anthropology, literacy practices in five villages in Karagwe district in the northwest of Tanzania have been analysed. The outcome may be used as a basis for educational planning and literacy programs. The analysis has revealed an intimate relation between language, literacy and power. In Karagwe, traditional élites have drawn on literacy to construct and reconstruct their authority, while new élites, such as individual women and some young people have been able to use literacy as one tool to get access to power. The study has also revealed a high level of bilingualism and a high emphasis on education in the area, which prove a potential for future education in the area. At the same time discontinuity in language use, mainly caused by stigmatisation of what is perceived as local and traditional, such as the mother-tongue of the majority of the children, and the high status accrued to all that is perceived as Western, has turned out to constitute a great obstacle for pupils’ learning. The use of ethnographic perspectives has enabled comparisons between interactional patterns in schools and outside school. This has revealed communicative patterns in school that hinder pupils’ learning, while the same patterns in other discourses reinforce learning. By using ethnography, relations between explicit and implicit language ideologies and their impact in educational contexts may be revealed. This knowledge may then be used to make educational plans and literacy programmes more relevant and efficient, not only in poor post-colonial settings such as Tanzania, but also elsewhere, such as in Western settings.

Secessionist movements have been found historically on both sides of the political spectrum, and sometimes have tried to remain apolitical completely, but because of the rise of partisan politics, secessionism has inevitably become politicized. Variations in Western European secessionism can be noticed, and as such, explanations put forward may be deemed insufficient, or incomplete. In my thesis I tested the hypothesis that secessionism varied on the political spectrum because it has been consolidated against ideological Others (in Scotland against Thatcher’s Conservatives between 1974 and 1990). I tested this methodologically through process tracing and theoretically by looking at the consolidation of the Scottish National Party through reactive nationalism. Specifically I analyzed the nationalist discourse used to justify ideological positioning in the 1970s and 1980s in propaganda materials and archival documents, and if and how this ideological choice was reflected or interpreted in newspapers (for opinions on how this consolidation was perceived by the electorate).

<p><bold>This dissertation deals with Cuban art criticism and other written texts related to Abstract Art. From a critical perspective that relates art to society and political and institutional practices, all of the above texts are interpreted as bearers of aesthetic ideologies, which are expressed in the paradigms from which Art Criticism attempted to validate Abstraction. This study further demonstrates that the dominant discourses in the realm of Art Criticism are strongly related to Ideological State Apparatuses. Art Criticism not only mediates between the artwork and the spectator, but also between artistic acts of provocation and the establishment.</p><p> Abstraction in Cuba constituted an important axis in the polemic between autonomous art and socially committed art, but the debates themselves were subsumed in ideological and even political battlefields. Art Criticism oriented these debates, by emphasizing certain problems, and diminishing the importance of other ones. </p><p>This dissertation is organized in function of the dominant questions that Cuban Art Criticism addressed. The first chapter accordingly deals with definitions of abstract art that were prevalent in art writing and publications from 1948 to 1957, a period in which Art Criticism is mostly concerned with the autonomy of art. The second chapter follows the debates about the social commitment of abstract art, which became predominant during the first years of a Marxist-oriented Revolution. This polemic is implicit in the emergence of an Anti-Academic movement in the visual arts, and it began to lose its strength once the Cuban Avant-Garde started to gain institutional recognition. After being relegated to a peripheral position, the question concerning the social commitment of Abstract Art became crucial after the triumph of the Revolution. The final chapter deals with the relations between Abstract Art and the diverse documents that embodied and defined the Cultural Policy during the Cuban Revolution. </p><p>Throughout, this study strives to establish the place of Abstract Art in the Institutional, and discursive practices from 1959 onwards. This place is defined by its instability, as it is constituted through intermittencies and steps backwards on the path towards the institutional consecration of non-figurative tendencies. </bold></p> / Dissertation

The main purpose of this thesis is to explore the oscillation between different identities and nationalist discourses during Hafez Al Assad era in Syria. Syrian Arab Republic has been facing with an identity crisis ever since its independence due to several dynamics. Throughout the decades, there emerged several different self-images of Syrians. The major clash subsists between loyalty to Arabness and Syrianness. In order to find out the perceptions of politically relevant elites concerning this clash and the roots of identity crisis, a fieldwork was conducted during the spring 2006 in Damascus. An exploration of the nationalist ideologies &ndash / Arab nationalism, Greater Syrian nationalism, Pan-Islamic nationalism and liberal nationalism &ndash / during the Hafez Al Assad&rsquo / s era in Syria gives us the clues of the identity crisis. Moreover, the insights of Syrian politically relevant intellectuals exemplify and explain the current debate on the identity crisis in Syria.