Political ideologies translate into both rhetoric and actual economic policy, and both are important factors for explaining economic development such as foreign direct investment and the distribution of growth. In Nicaragua, the government calls itself “socialist”, but neither local big business nor rating firms or foreign investors seem to be anxious. In this thesis, an attempt is made to define and measure characteristics of economic ideologies, and to analyse them in a country context.Factors are identified that would be characteristic for a “leftist” or to a “rightist” ideology, and then translated into measurable indicators, used to analyse the rhetoric, planning and legislation in Nicaragua. Actual outcomes are compared with previous liberal and socialist regimes. The result indicates that the actual economic policy of the current “marxist” government can be described as liberal or mildly social democratic. A similar analysis, made of IMF and Moody’s show that their assessments are based on liberal theory.One cause for this discrepancy between rhetoric and economic policy may be that no option is available in the globalised context with its unequal distribution of resources and power.

A cultural studies approach is applied to an analysis of land-use planning theory and practice to seek a holistic understanding of events struggling in praxis to construct ideologies and paradigms about the supermarket phenomenon, in a post- Fordist age. This links interests shared and contested by Govemment and key parties as agents of social change, including Sainsbury's as a typification of the supermarket business and the planners' professional body. The thesis challenges positivist assumptions embodying tenets of classical economic theory and rationalist, empirical methodology. It focuses on attempts to achieve ideological hegemony by the re-articulation of common sense explanations through everyday events mediated by late industrial capitalism's commodification process. The nature of the post-modernist dialectic centred on Capital's modernisation project favouring a new service economy is explored in relation to an organic interplay between ideas and action, and the linking of planning theory to reification. The nature of ideological code systems in relation to retail land-use planning, as a feature of culture and their discursive role in an ongoing struggle for power and dominance, is evaluated in the deconstruction of historical and contemporary texts. A new concept of dialectical pluralism is offered which acknowledges the dynamic construction of ideologies and paradigms between parties in everyday relational experience. The methodology offers a wide, topic-based inductive research focus taking the four poles of Government, the planning profession, academia and the business sector at points of apparent harmony and disjuncture, to review the means by which events in time and space are struggled for to establish ideological hegemony. A priority is to compare and contrast assumptions underpinning the training of land-use planners that reward or inhibit vested and less defined interests, including those legitimising and funding professional research projects.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the effect of both students&rsquo / and academics&rsquo / educational ideologies on their acceptance of technology, and to find out whether there are differences in the perceived ease of use of technology, perceived usefulness of technology, attitudes toward technology, and the frequency of use of technology in education in terms of their educational ideologies. A survey design was used in this study. The questionnaire used in the study was developed by making use of the related literature, and it was administered to 58 academic personnel and 320 students in Middle East Technical University in Ankara, Turkey during the fall semester of the 2003 - 2004 academic year. The data gathered was analyzed with the SPSS program, using descriptive and inferential statistics where ANOVA was conducted. The results of the study showed that academics&rsquo / educational ideologies affect their acceptance of technology / specifically they affect the perceived usefulness of educational technology. Furthermore, there is an effect of students&rsquo / educational ideologies on the frequency of their use of educational technologies. In conclusion, the results of this study can contribute to the literature on the factors of technology acceptance. Educational ideology is a factor affecting academics&rsquo / perceptions of the usefulness of technology, moreover, it is a factor affecting the students&rsquo / the frequency of use of educational technology.

abstract: The presence of language minority students in American schools is a growing phenomenon in present-day times. In the year 2008, almost 11 million school-age children spoke a language other than English at home. Educational language policy is largely influenced by the attitudes that society holds regarding the presence of language minority speakers in the community. One of the sources of these attitudes is the written press. This research aimed at identifying and analyzing the ideologies that newspapers display in connection with language minority speakers. The underlying assumption of the study was that the English language occupies a dominant position in society, thus creating a power struggle in which speakers of other languages are disenfranchised. Using critical theory as the theoretical framework enabled the study to identify and oppose the ideologies that may reproduce and perpetuate social inequalities. The methodological approach used was critical discourse analysis (CDA) which aligns with the main tenets of critical theory, among them the need to uncover hidden ideologies. The analysis of articles from English-language (The Arizona Republic and the East Valley Tribune) and Spanish-language (La Prensa Hispana) newspapers allowed for the identification of the ideologies of the written press in connection to two main hypothetical constructs: education and immigration. The analysis of the results revealed that the three newspapers of the study held specific ideologies on issues related to the education of language minority students and immigration. Whereas the East Valley Tribune showed an overarching ideology connected to the opposition of immigrant students in schools, the hegemonic position of theEnglish language, and a belligerent stance toward the immigrant community, The Arizona Republic showed a favorable attitude to both English Language Learners and immigrants, based on reasons mainly related to the economic interest of the state of Arizona. La Prensa Hispana, on the other hand, showed ideologies favorable to the immigrant community based on humanitarianism. In summary, the results confirm that newspapers hold specific ideologies and that these ideologies are reflected in the content and the manner of their information to the public. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Curriculum and Instruction 2012

Submitted by Guilherme Caruso Rodrigues (gcarusorodrigues@yahoo.com.br) on 2018-07-04T14:15:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 UNESP - Guilherme Final.pdf: 15067268 bytes, checksum: 9a80eb72bda265fcc1f20e59a7bd8cf9 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Santulo Custódio de Medeiros null (asantulo@rc.unesp.br) on 2018-07-04T16:27:16Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigues_gc_dr_rcla.pdf: 15067292 bytes, checksum: cd22579842c00e13e63bf6f7034ca3fb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-04T16:27:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigues_gc_dr_rcla.pdf: 15067292 bytes, checksum: cd22579842c00e13e63bf6f7034ca3fb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-05-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Resumo O presente trabalho se propõe a analisar os processos geo-históricos que estavam e estão envolvidos no pensamento de Pierre Monbeig, sobretudo no que tange a questão das chamadas Frentes Pioneiras. Considerando o fato da consolidação da Geografia no Brasil com um caráter acadêmico-científico. Por isso, passava o Brasil por um processo de modernização intensificando suas relações com a chamada economia-mundo, ou seja, com intensificação no país de uma economia já internacionalizada. Assim sendo, a incorporação de espaço natural obedecia ao ritmo do progresso e da modernização. Era preciso superar um país atrasado, a franja pioneira marca os primeiros passos desta superação. Ressalta-se que, muito do pensamento de Monbeig chegava com as características da chamada Escola dos Annales, da França, tentando refazer uma nova forma de interpretação histórica, mas considerando a Geografia Humana crucial para isto, já que conseguia, a Geografia, envolver o tempo “longo” do ambiente natural, como o tempo “rápido” da indústria. Entendendo, assim, que Monbeig tem uma narrativa focada num processo de formação territorial atrelado ao movimento da modernização. Assim, procurou-se trazer para discussão a ocupação das Frentes Pioneiras concebendo-as como um conjunto de práticas espaciais, movidas pela internacionalização da economia capitalista, que almejava novos espaços para acumulação, dessa maneira, resultado de um movimento de objetivação prática sócio-espacial, caracterizadas pela derrubada de matas, implantações de ferrovias, espoliação exacerbada da renda da terra, transformando-se num espaço de representação, já que essas áreas se subordinavam ao grande capital internacional. Dentro desse contexto, propõe-se como discussão a relação dessas áreas consideradas pioneiras com sua colonização e acumulação dentre de um forte arcabouço ideológico. / The present research project proposes to analyze the geo-historical processes that were and are involved in the thinking of Pierre Monbeig, especially in what concerns the question of the so-called Fronts Pioneers. Considering the fact of the consolidation of Geography in Brazil with an academic-scientific character. For this reason, Brazil underwent a process of modernization intensifying its relations with the so-called world-economy, that is, with intensification in the country of an already internationalized economy. Thus, the incorporation of natural space obeyed the pace of progress and modernization. It was necessary to overcome a backward country, the pioneering fringe marks the first steps of this overcoming. It is noteworthy that much of Monbeig's thought came with the characteristics of the so-called School of the Annales of France, attempting to remake a new form of historical interpretation, but considering the Human Geography crucial for this, since it time "of the natural environment, such as the" fast "time of the industry. Understanding, therefore, that Monbeig has a narrative focused on a process of territorial formation linked to the modernization movement. Thus, we sought to bring into discussion the occupation of the Pioneer Fronts by designing them as a set of spatial practices, driven by the internationalization of the capitalist economy, which sought new spaces for accumulation, in this way, the result of a movement of socio-spatial practical objectification , characterized by the overthrow of forests, railroad deployments, exacerbation of the income of the land, becoming a space of representation, since these areas were subordinated to the great international capital. Within this context, it is proposed as a discussion the relation of these areas considered pioneers with their colonization and accumulation within a strong ideological framework.

The aim of this study is to investigate the sociolinguistic hierarchy between Mandarin Chinese and Southern Min Chinese in Taiwan, or the linguistic hegemony of Mandarin Chinese in Taiwan. Of particular interest is the relationship between the language of the majority and the new Taiwanese identity forged presumably by democratization. Taiwan is an island that has been occupied by a variety of ethnic groups, causing it to be linguistically diverse. Japanese colonization of Taiwan was put to an end in the wake the two atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japan. Mandarin Chinese became the official language of Taiwan in 1945. Nevertheless, the primary Chinese language spoken by ethnic Chinese was not Mandarin Chinese but Southern Min Chinese, also known as Taiwanese. Consequently, oppression of Southern Min Chinese and its speakers became inevitable. Sociolinguistic norms seemingly began to spawn rapidly, turning Mandarin Chinese into the mainstream language associated with the educated, intellectual, and upper class, while stigmatizing Southern Min as low class, uneducated and vulgar. As with obliteration of the oppressions on the institutional level, the transformation of such norms does not seem to stop in social contexts. It instead carries on in a more subtle way. Moreover, under the rule of Kuomingtang (KMT), democratization came unprecedentedly into the history of Taiwan. A new Taiwanese identity thus is assumed to be associated with democratization and is fundamentally different from Taiwanese identities constructed in the past. However, such a superordinate identity is deeply problematic due to its Chinese centric nature that is likely to impose ideologies and values onto other ethnic groups in Taiwan causing social inequality. Therefore, identifying ideologies and values imposed onto the Taiwanese identity by the majority, Benshengren (本省人), is crucial in addressing social issues. Accordingly this research also goes on investigating what it means to be Taiwanese to the Taiwanese majority, Benshengren (本省人).

abstract: The English language is taught all over the world and changes immensely from place to place. As such, both L1 and L2 English Language Users all utilize English as a tool for creating meaning in their existence and to also form perspectives on how the language ought to be. What is interesting about this is that the language being used to do that is one birthed from a culture that many English speakers across the globe are separated from; that is, Anglo-Saxon culture. Since learning and using language is also learning and participating in culture the question is, then how separated are American English speakers from that of the culture that created the language they speak? Does Anglo-Saxon culture impact how worldviews are formed in contemporary English speakers? I propose that the first step to finding some answers is by investigating the language ideologies that American English speakers have through the inquiry of meanings that they prescribe to English words that derive from Old English and subsequently have Germanic origins. The following work details a study examining the language attitudes of American English speakers in hopes of shedding new light on these questions. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Applied Linguistics 2016

abstract: Within the media there is an abundance of reports that claim tourists are being harassed, kidnapped and even killed in some instances as a result of their representation of their country's political ideology and international relations. A qualitative study was undertaken in Bolivia to determine how a tourist avoids or copes with the fear of severe political retribution or harassment in a country whose political environment is largely opposed to that of the traveler's home country. Interviews were conducted in multiple regions of Bolivia, and the data were coded. The results show that tourists experience political retribution on a much smaller scale than initially thought, usually through non-threatening social encounters. The overall themes influencing traveler behaviors are the (Un)Apologetic American, the George W. Bush foreign policy era, avoiding perceived unsafe countries or regions, and Bolivian borders. Respondents, when asked to reflect upon their behavioral habits, do not usually forthrightly deny their country of origin but merely adapt their national identities based on their familial origins, dual citizenship, language abilities or lack thereof, familiarity with the world/regional politics or lack thereof and associating oneself with a popular region in the United States (e.g. New York), rather than the US as a whole. Interestingly, none of the Americans interviewed candidly deny their American nationality or express future intention to deny their nationality. The Americans did express feeling "singled out" at the Bolivian borders which leads to the management implication to implement an automated receipt when purchasing a Bolivian visa and improving the Ministry of Tourism website that would more clearly state visa requirements. Additionally, the image of Bolivia as a culturally and politically homogeneous country is discussed. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.S. Recreation and Tourism Studies 2013

A presente pesquisa tenta analisar as idéias e ideologias raciais em perspectiva geográfica. Busca demonstrar que estas idéias são parte de um sistema de ações indissociáveis dos arranjos espaciais. Estes arranjos espaciais são desigualmente usados e acessados por negros e brancos. O uso diferenciado e desigual do espaço geográfico gera por parte do grupo negro a formulação de outras idéias (ações) em reação ao primeiro. / This research tries to analysis how racial ideas and ideologies are geographically produced. The study is also a tentative to demonstrate that ideas are part of a system formed by actions not-dissociated of space. The way in which the geographical space have been used and arranged by blackand white people are convincing evidence of historical inequalities among both population.

A Articulação no Semiárido (ASA Brasil) organização que reúne mais de 3000 movimentos sociais, sindicatos, ONGs, associações, coletivos locais e regionais surge, em 1999, com o intuito de fortalecer a reivindicação por soluções definitivas às dificuldades de abastecimento e acesso à água no semiárido brasileiro. Por um lado, o enfoque da ASA está no desenvolvimento e consolidação de um amplo leque de estratégias organizativas voltadas à valorização da autonomia e ao fortalecimento político dos camponeses. Por outro lado, as organizações e movimentos que compõem a ASA dedicam-se à construção e difusão de tecnologias alternativas, de baixo custo, que possibilitam o armazenamento hídrico descentralizado por meio da captação de água da chuva, sendo as cisternas de placas a principal entre elas. Através das estratégias assumidas e das tecnologias alternativas desenvolvidas, as organizações e movimentos sociais ligados à ASA assumem uma posição política contrária às tradicionais soluções hídricas assentadas nas grandes obras de açudagem e nas medidas paliativas de combate à seca, sobretudo por estas resultarem na concentração do abastecimento de água e abrirem espaço para a reprodução de relações de dominação político-clientelistas, sendo a troca de água por voto sua expressão mais evidente. Em 2003, foi criado o Programa de Formação e Mobilização Social para a Convivência com o Semiárido: Um Milhão de Cisternas Rurais (P1MC), fruto de uma parceria estabelecida entre a ASA e o governo federal. Transformada em política pública, a distribuição das cisternas de placas exigiu da ASA a configuração de um aprimorado processo organizativo, de modo a possibilitar um considerável alargamento do alcance espacial dessa articulação e sua atuação em múltiplas escalas geográficas. Tomando como referência a estrutura organizativa e as estratégias configuradas pela Articulação, dedicamo-nos, nesta tese, à análise da dimensão política das ações de convivência com o semiárido desenvolvidas pela ASA. Nesta abordagem, constituem-se objeto de nosso interesse as implicações decorrentes da relação estabelecida com o Estado e os antagonismos frente às tradicionais políticas de combate à seca. Com base nas informações obtidas através de entrevistas, análise documental e trabalhos de campo, fomos levados a considerar as ações político-interventivas e as representações que acompanham as perspectivas de combate à seca e convivência com o semiárido como ideologias geográficas que evidenciam, através do regionalismo, contrapostos interesses de classe, revelando um conflito que encontra na relação entre política e espaço um elemento central. / The Articulation in the Semi-arid (ASA Brazil) organization that assembles more than 3.000 social movements, syndicates, Non-governmental Organizations, associations, regional and local collectivities arose in 1999, with the intention for strengthen the demand for definite solutions to supplies and water access difficulties of the Brazilian semi-arid. On the one hand, ASAs focus is development and consolidation of wide range organized strategies directed in valuation of autonomy and political strengthening of the peasants. On the other hand, ASAs organizations and movements pursue for building and propagation cheaper alternative technologies that allow decentralized water storage through rain capture, being plates tanks the main option among them. Through the adopted strategies and developed alternative technologies, organizations and social movements joined ASA admit an opposite political position to traditional water troubleshooting based on big buildings and palliative ways to struggle against drought, mainly for these ones result in water storage concentration and open up space for reproduction of political-customer domination relationships, being water change for vote the most evident expression of this. In 2003, The Formation and Social Mobilization for Living in the Semi-Arid Program: One Million of Rural Tanks (P1MC) created as a product of an established union between ASA and federal government. It has been become a public policy, the plates tanks distribution required from ASA the configuration of a refined organizational process, so that to enable a reasonable expansion of spatial reach of this articulation and its action on multiple geographic scales. Taking organizational structure and configured strategies by ASA as references, here, we aimed to analyze political dimensions of relationship with the semi-arids actions developed by ASA. In this approach, the object is composed of consequential implications from established interaction between the State and opponents against traditional politics of struggle against drought. Based on obtained data by interviews, documentary analysis and field works, we have considered that political-interventional actions and representations which are side by side to the struggle against drought and relationship with the semi-arid perspectives as geographic ideologies, that shows through the regionalism, contrary class interests, revealing a disagreement essentially triggered by relation between politics and space.