The word journalist, and the domain of producers and texts that inhabit its boundaries, often lacks a clear and agreed definition. The dominant body of literature looks at journalists in the United States through a remote lens, locates them within a cadre of journalists operating out of a newsroom, and overlooks the multiple roles they inhabit at once. This dissertation represents an attempt to build on and extend the depth of definitions afforded the American print journalist offered in literature that dominates journalism studies. This dissertation utilizes critical textual analysis for a case study of journalists' letters to editors of journalism trade magazines to identify the patterned ways journalists define journalists. Deuze's (2005, 2007b) theory of the ideological definitions of journalists provides a framework for the analysis. Journalism trade magazines perform a special role as watchdogs of the press. Journalists who write letters to editors of these magazines are watching the watchdogs. This dissertation looks to those journalists' words to craft a nuanced understanding of the factors that shape the forces defining these journalists, their labor, and their pursuit of democratic ideals. Drawing from the corpus of letters published in American Journalism Review, Columbia Journalism Review, and Editor and Publisher, critical textual analysis identifies how discourses in the letters reflect or reshape traditional print journalists' self definitions. The result is a catalog of information that shapes an understanding of the letters within the individual ideological framework of the community of people who volunteer their opinions for publication in these journals. The dissertation works to develop a more complete picture of the ideology of traditional print journalists as it is defined in their own words.

This research intends to discover the effects of packaging rigidity and political identity on consumer behavior. Four experiments are conducted and reported. The results show that although products in more flexible packages may be perceived as more innovative and environmentally friendly, they may nevertheless be less preferred because of reduced ease of handling. Moreover, I show that political identity moderates these results, such that politically liberal, more so than politically conservative, consumers are those who respond more negatively to flexible packaging. I investigate whether specific individual traits, openness to experience (one of the big five personality traits) and/or sensory sensitivity, help to explain the political identity moderator. Finally, I test whether the findings can be applied via marketplace targeting on the basis of political affiliation using voting data as a geographic proxy measure. / Business Administration/Marketing

This thesis work is a discussion on the relations between architecture and ideologies. Architecture possesses the unequivocal social and cultural power to produce representations of political coexistence through exemplary forms of built reality. As such, Architecture becomes a tool of communication; it can manifest power and  embody ideologies.Throughout history we can observe how political ideas influenced our built reality. A period in which architecture became a crucial role in forming national identities, were the fascist movements in Italy and Germany. Still today, these ideas can be traced in form of buildings and architecture; a ‚problematic heritage‘ which has to be discussed. For my thesis project, the Congress Hall on the Nazi Party Rally Ground in Nuremberg served as a case study. A building which was constructed to manifest an abhorrent ideology, but also a building with greatest architectural qualities. The repulsive attitude towards Nazism cannot be challenged. However, the built heritage that manifests this attitude is still part of our built environment. This statement lead me to my thesis question; How can a building be freed from its subservient ideologies and forces, it was built for? A very sensitive and difficult question. Architecture, buildings and material can not be fascistic, but intentions can be. The only possibility to dissociate the building from the ideology it was built for, is to associate it with new ones. My proposal should not be understood as a final solution, but much rather as an opportunity to test new strategies and learnings. In the design process I took the freedom I have as a student; I tested totalitarian design methods, focused on the qualities of the building and studied the question of the autonomy of architecture.

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The purpose of this study is to examine if the Swedish syndicalist movement SAC´s ideology also is able to function as a worldview. Worldview is a contested concept and the meaning may shift depending on who you are talking to or what study you are reading. Therefore, I aim to create a deeper understanding of the concept of worldview in our time with this study. The material is a booklet from SAC that explains their ideology and trade union work. I will analyse the material through a qualitative content analysis combined with Stenmark and Franck´s (2016) worldview definition as a theory. The research questions for this study are based on Stenmark and Franck´s (2016) worldview definition, which of the smaller worldview components are possible to find in the material? And given the answer to research question 1, to what extent can SAC´s ideology and union work be understood as a worldview based on Stenmark and Franck´s definition? The study concludes that SAC´s ideology and trade union work are able to function as a worldview. Several of the main components of a worldview is present in the material like SAC´s view of soceity and central valuation system among others. The description of how a worldview functions allows the ideology to be seen as a worldview.

Technocratic-Populism in India: How Modi and the BJP Maintain Their Vast Winning Coalition Abstract Sabyasachi Saikia ID - 98898503 The politics of both technocracy and populism are viewed as hostile to representative democracy and pluralistic politics. The study of technocratic-populism in politics has proliferated in recent times, with researchers examining how both seemingly contradictory ideas combine to form a distinct political outlook or even a political logic. Furthermore, one has emerging literature examining the adverse impact of technocratic populism across various democracies. Applying Friedman's paradigm of democratic technocracy, and Ostiguy and Moffitt's performative-relational approach towards populism, this study explores technocratic- populism in Indian politics. The administration of Narendra Modi and the BJP has been widely studied and critiqued for their authoritarian, Hindu nationalist, and populist politics, with concerns over increasing religious polarization of the public and democratic backsliding. This study employs a demand-supply model to show the importance of technocratic-populist appeal in Modi and the BJP's broader political practice and discourse in impressing the voting public. With the use of survey data on the demand-side of politics, involving the examination of public...

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By analysing contemporary media texts we can achieve a greater understanding forour specific culture and time. The ambition of this text is to discuss some messagesthat the media convey about gender and the possible effects of this representation. Ihave therefore chosen to analyse the Showtime production Californication. Thisstudy uses critical discourse analysis to examine Californication from a genderperspective to answer the following questions: How is the world in Californicationrepresented? What identities and relationships are constructed for those involved inthe text Californication? How is gender representation presented in the text? Theanalysis shows that while Californication is in many ways a series based on liberaland experimental representations of masculinity and femininity, a closer studyreveals that the production at the same time actually promotes traditional ideals anda return to conventional family values.

The millennial generation is said to consist of all those born between the years of 1978 and 1996. The majority has come of age and has the ability to be active participants in the political community. For the past three elections they have been the democratic party biggest supporters. In the 2008 presidential election 68% of all Millennial voters voted for Barack Obama. Millennials are also reporting to be less religious and more spiritual. They are attending religious services less frequently and identify with religious denominations less often. Throughout American history, religion is known to have an effect on political ideologies. So with Millennials religiosity changing, does their religiosity have any effect on their political ideology? The purpose of my research is to examine the religious ideologies of Millennials and see how they are affecting their political ideologies. To collect my data I have surveyed 380 Millennials. I choose to take a quantitative approach to this research project and use statistics as the basis of my analysis. My research is important to my discipline as well as my society because it closes the gaps between existing research of the Millennial generation. This research also contributes to literature because it is important to understand the political and religious views of the upcoming generation. Millennials have the ability to make huge political statements, and their decisions, attitudes, and behavior will significantly impact the future of the United States.