<p>Syftet med denna studie var att beskriva och förstå den så kallade lilla gruppens funktion i en skola för alla. Detta utifrån de förhållningssätt och synsätt som finns i samhället utifrån olika perspektiv på <em>en skola för alla</em>. Skolans styrdokument strävar mot en integrerad skola där alla elever skall kunna gå tillsammans, samtidigt som varje elev skall få utvecklas och lära efter sin egen förmåga. Detta kräver stora kunskaper hos lärarna som ska kunna bedriva en undervisning som passar alla elever. Det finns dock tecken som visar på brister i kompetensen hos lärare och även i lärarutbildningen. Denna konflikt visar sig även då alla skolor i den kommun som studien gjorts bedriver en segregerande verksamhet av elever i behov av särskilt stöd. Jag har genom kvalitativa intervjuer med speciallärare som undervisar i den lilla gruppen, rektorer och ordförande i barn- och ungdomsnämnden fått tolkningar av detta begrepp och deras synsätt då det gäller inkludering och segregering. Resultatet visar tydligt de svårigheter som ligger i tolkningen av dessa begrepp och dess olika konsekvenser i praktiken. Studien visar att lärare och rektorer ser detta problem utifrån ett individperspektiv och talar om eleverna och deras behov. Kommunpolitikern visar ett mera generellt och resurstänkande perspektiv. I denna studie finns tydliga tecken på denna klyfta som gör det svårt att förstå och genomföra visionen om en skola för alla.</p>

Syftet med denna studie var att beskriva och förstå den så kallade lilla gruppens funktion i en skola för alla. Detta utifrån de förhållningssätt och synsätt som finns i samhället utifrån olika perspektiv på en skola för alla. Skolans styrdokument strävar mot en integrerad skola där alla elever skall kunna gå tillsammans, samtidigt som varje elev skall få utvecklas och lära efter sin egen förmåga. Detta kräver stora kunskaper hos lärarna som ska kunna bedriva en undervisning som passar alla elever. Det finns dock tecken som visar på brister i kompetensen hos lärare och även i lärarutbildningen. Denna konflikt visar sig även då alla skolor i den kommun som studien gjorts bedriver en segregerande verksamhet av elever i behov av särskilt stöd. Jag har genom kvalitativa intervjuer med speciallärare som undervisar i den lilla gruppen, rektorer och ordförande i barn- och ungdomsnämnden fått tolkningar av detta begrepp och deras synsätt då det gäller inkludering och segregering. Resultatet visar tydligt de svårigheter som ligger i tolkningen av dessa begrepp och dess olika konsekvenser i praktiken. Studien visar att lärare och rektorer ser detta problem utifrån ett individperspektiv och talar om eleverna och deras behov. Kommunpolitikern visar ett mera generellt och resurstänkande perspektiv. I denna studie finns tydliga tecken på denna klyfta som gör det svårt att förstå och genomföra visionen om en skola för alla.

Women who have been incarcerated are disadvantaged in many respects as they enter community (Pedlar, Arai, Yuen, & Fortune, 2008). When putting their lives back together upon release they typically face tremendous hardships which are often intensified by the absence of healthy and supportive relationships (Richie, 2001). Hannah-Moffatt (2000) identified several gender-specific barriers facing women in prison that impede their chances for inclusion once they enter community. Women in prison, she explained, are often poorly educated, unemployed, and many have survived some form of physical or sexual abuse. Furthermore, feelings of guilt, fear, anxiety, and alienation are often compounded when women are apprehended and sentenced. This combination of challenges tends to produce a group of women with low self-esteem who will have difficulty readjusting in the community and are at risk of being socially isolated and excluded (Hannah-Moffatt, 2000; Maidment, 2006; Pollack, 2008). Structural determinants and individual agency both lie at the heart of social inclusion (Dominelli, 2005; Lister, 2000). Often overlooked in the literature is the fact that women who have been incarcerated have agency and possess a capacity to resist, overcome oppression, and counteract exclusion. As I embarked on this research project, an emphasis on women’s capacity was both a starting point and rationale for adopting a participatory approach. Very little is known about how women’s experiences with inclusion or exclusion shape their entry process. Thus, the purpose of this study was to examine inclusion from the perspective of women entering community after release from a federal prison. Using a feminist participatory action research (FPAR) approach guided by anti-oppressive research (AOR) as my theoretical framework, I asked women living in community in a region of southern Ontario and who had been incarcerated to come together to discuss ideas around inclusion and explore ways to foster a more inclusive environment. This research project was rooted in a concern for social justice. Hall (2005) argues that negotiating the discourse of inclusion and exclusion requires a critical re-imagining of inclusion as social justice. Consequently, this study was designed to encourage dialogue and a critical re-imagining of what inclusion means among women entering community after incarceration, with an emphasis on collaborative learning. Plans and strategies were shaped and altered based on decisions of the research team and resulted in the development of three distinct phases of research involving team meetings, individual conversations, and engagement in photovoice. Data explored in each phase of the project, as well as my own reflexive knowledge acquired through ongoing critical self-reflection, provided insight into the complexities of difference, power, and identity. These findings are presented in four chapters beginning with a description of how the FPAR process based on principles of inclusion, participation, action, and social change unfolded. Then, themes were identified which revealed the swings of a FPAR process including: assumptions of collective identity and difference impede inclusion and participation, grappling with tensions around partnerships and power, and negotiating identity and resisting stigma. Findings also explored the contested nature of community and its role in inclusion. This chapter describes the kind of community women experienced before and after incarceration. Themes of feeling pushed out of community, being pulled into community, and negotiating issues of responsibility upon community entry highlight the ambiguous nature of community and social inclusion for women who have broken the law. Deep exclusion experienced by women who have been placed outside of community and sent to prison is arguably unparalleled, and this study was ultimately concerned with society’s tendency to exclude people based on difference. Experiences of inclusion/exclusion are often a result of normative social beliefs that construct difference as “less than” (Moosa-Mitha, 2005). Indeed when difference is viewed negatively, it often results in the exclusion and marginalization of those who are defined as the other (Woodward, 1997). Alternatively, social inclusion involves respect for differences and the removal of barriers to participate in public life (Salojee, 2005). When women in this study felt free to participate in the life of their community in ways that did not undermine their sense of self and their differences they were in the process of being included. Supportive relationships and judgment free spaces seemed to remove pressures for women to conform to dominant expectations of behaviour to gain acceptance. Findings from this study suggest we need to create space for difference and social inclusion to co-exist in community. This space would be one that centres difference, promotes social justice, values different forms and levels of participation, acknowledges that relationships grow and change over time, interrogates taken for granted assumptions of power and privilege, and emphasizes dialoguing through difference.

Modern Japan established three kinds of national identification (ID) systems over its population: Koseki, Alien Registration, and Juki-net. The Koseki system is a patriarchal family registration of all citizens. It began in the 1870s when Japan’s nation-state was developed under the emperor’s rule. Koseki used traditional patriarchal hierarchy and loyalty to construct subjects for the Japanese Empire and reify a fictional unity among the “Japanese” people. Until today, this disciplinary element has functioned as the norm for organizational relations in Japan. The Alien Registration System requires non-citizens to register and carry an ID card to distinguish “foreigners” from “Japanese”. This system stems from surveillance techniques used over the colonial populations in the early twentieth century: the Chinese in the colony of “Manchuria”, in northeast China, and the Koreans on the Japanese mainland. Although the empire collapsed after World War II, the practice was officially legislated to target Koreans and Chinese who remained in post-war democratic Japan. Juki-net is the recently established computer network for sharing the personal data of citizens between government and municipal authorities. Juki-net attaches a unitary ID number to all citizens and gives them an optional ID card. Juki-net uses digital technology to capture individual movement, so the system is direct, individualistic, and fluid. It has expanded the scope of personal data and shifts the foundation of citizenship to state intervention. This thesis examines how these three systems have defined the boundary of the nation and constructed categories for its subjects, which have then been imposed on the entire population. Drawing on the theories of Foucault’s bio-power and Agamben’s bare life, I explain how the national ID card systems enable the state to include and exclude people, use them for its own power, and produce subjects to support the state. Although this process is often hidden, the scheme is a vital part of the current proposal to use national ID card systems in the global “war on terror”. I argue that the national ID card systems impose compulsory classifications on individuals, threaten the public’s rights against state intervention, and spread “bare life” across the population. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2008-05-29 13:58:26.233

Women who have been incarcerated are disadvantaged in many respects as they enter community (Pedlar, Arai, Yuen, & Fortune, 2008). When putting their lives back together upon release they typically face tremendous hardships which are often intensified by the absence of healthy and supportive relationships (Richie, 2001). Hannah-Moffatt (2000) identified several gender-specific barriers facing women in prison that impede their chances for inclusion once they enter community. Women in prison, she explained, are often poorly educated, unemployed, and many have survived some form of physical or sexual abuse. Furthermore, feelings of guilt, fear, anxiety, and alienation are often compounded when women are apprehended and sentenced. This combination of challenges tends to produce a group of women with low self-esteem who will have difficulty readjusting in the community and are at risk of being socially isolated and excluded (Hannah-Moffatt, 2000; Maidment, 2006; Pollack, 2008). Structural determinants and individual agency both lie at the heart of social inclusion (Dominelli, 2005; Lister, 2000). Often overlooked in the literature is the fact that women who have been incarcerated have agency and possess a capacity to resist, overcome oppression, and counteract exclusion. As I embarked on this research project, an emphasis on women’s capacity was both a starting point and rationale for adopting a participatory approach. Very little is known about how women’s experiences with inclusion or exclusion shape their entry process. Thus, the purpose of this study was to examine inclusion from the perspective of women entering community after release from a federal prison. Using a feminist participatory action research (FPAR) approach guided by anti-oppressive research (AOR) as my theoretical framework, I asked women living in community in a region of southern Ontario and who had been incarcerated to come together to discuss ideas around inclusion and explore ways to foster a more inclusive environment. This research project was rooted in a concern for social justice. Hall (2005) argues that negotiating the discourse of inclusion and exclusion requires a critical re-imagining of inclusion as social justice. Consequently, this study was designed to encourage dialogue and a critical re-imagining of what inclusion means among women entering community after incarceration, with an emphasis on collaborative learning. Plans and strategies were shaped and altered based on decisions of the research team and resulted in the development of three distinct phases of research involving team meetings, individual conversations, and engagement in photovoice. Data explored in each phase of the project, as well as my own reflexive knowledge acquired through ongoing critical self-reflection, provided insight into the complexities of difference, power, and identity. These findings are presented in four chapters beginning with a description of how the FPAR process based on principles of inclusion, participation, action, and social change unfolded. Then, themes were identified which revealed the swings of a FPAR process including: assumptions of collective identity and difference impede inclusion and participation, grappling with tensions around partnerships and power, and negotiating identity and resisting stigma. Findings also explored the contested nature of community and its role in inclusion. This chapter describes the kind of community women experienced before and after incarceration. Themes of feeling pushed out of community, being pulled into community, and negotiating issues of responsibility upon community entry highlight the ambiguous nature of community and social inclusion for women who have broken the law. Deep exclusion experienced by women who have been placed outside of community and sent to prison is arguably unparalleled, and this study was ultimately concerned with society’s tendency to exclude people based on difference. Experiences of inclusion/exclusion are often a result of normative social beliefs that construct difference as “less than” (Moosa-Mitha, 2005). Indeed when difference is viewed negatively, it often results in the exclusion and marginalization of those who are defined as the other (Woodward, 1997). Alternatively, social inclusion involves respect for differences and the removal of barriers to participate in public life (Salojee, 2005). When women in this study felt free to participate in the life of their community in ways that did not undermine their sense of self and their differences they were in the process of being included. Supportive relationships and judgment free spaces seemed to remove pressures for women to conform to dominant expectations of behaviour to gain acceptance. Findings from this study suggest we need to create space for difference and social inclusion to co-exist in community. This space would be one that centres difference, promotes social justice, values different forms and levels of participation, acknowledges that relationships grow and change over time, interrogates taken for granted assumptions of power and privilege, and emphasizes dialoguing through difference.

Talent management is an organisational process aimed at maximising the benefit gained from the organisation's workforce, mostly by assessing the future potential of senior organisational members to fill key positions based on their proportional contribution to the business. Despite the increasing prevalence of talent management, evidence is accumulating to indicate an extremely low success rate of just 20-25% in predicting high performers. While talent management continues to address a growing business need, a better understanding of the process may help to refine its practice. The underpinning assumptions of the practice of talent management are that organisations are systemic and linear, and that talent management must produce a single answer identifying what it means to be a 'talent' in any specific circumstance. As a profession, talent management also maintains a fantasy of control: the expectation that assessed individuals will indeed behave as anticipated, and that stated targets will remain unchanged. As a progressive and trending HR process, talent management's close connection to organisational power relations and political dynamics is rarely acknowledged. The emotional toll on assessed senior executives, as well as potential ramifications for their colleagues, is also often overlooked, despite the significant implications for individual careers and broader inferences of inclusion-exclusion inherent in the process of talent selection. Talent management practitioners and scholars tend not to consider the impact on individuals of inaccurate assessments and mistaken decisions. As a talent manager practitioner who decrees the fate of individuals, such glaring oversights provoked in me an acute ethical anxiety that drove this research. This work offers a critical perspective on the practice of talent management - in particular, the process of judgment involved in the assessment of 'high potentials' and the potent dynamics of inclusion in/exclusion from the talent group. Having witnessed first-hand the inconsistency between apparently robust predictions (based on best practice) and subsequent outcomes, I began this research with strong feelings of ambivalence towards my practice of 25 years and my prospering business of 10 years. The critical perspective of the current study took shape within the research framework, which is based on the philosophy of pragmatism and the complex responsive process of relating that draws on it, as well as on process sociology and complexity sciences. The research methodology insists that scholars take their own direct experience seriously, collect their raw data through writing narratives, and then exercise reflection and reflexivity both as individuals and as part of the Doctor of Management (DMan) learning community. The narratives 'translate experience so that it is meaningful to the reader' (Cunliffe, 2010, p. 228). Applying this innovative approach not only to my research, but also to my professional practice, has led me to challenge the most fundamental assumptions of talent management. I now have a deeper and more nuanced understanding of the process of judgment at its core, and have developed a new way to approach and implement this process within my work. This thesis culminates in three main arguments describing talent management from a new perspective, as well as redefining the role and degree of involvement of talent management consultants. First, the central process of judgment emerged not as an objective analysis communicated in a unidirectional, linear way from the assessor to the assessed, but rather as a relational and social process that involves shifting power relations and an inclusion-exclusion dynamic influenced by many unpredictable factors. Second, from the perspective of the research framework, the assessor can no longer be seen as an objective observer, but must be regarded as a participant who is simultaneously both involved and detached and who must rely on their practical judgment. Talent management's traditional promise of future-oriented focus and reliable predictions is illusory, given that all participants are continuously merging their ongoing experiences to spontaneously co-create the future in unpredictable ways. . Understanding that the assessment process is not a simple numerical exercise (ranking individuals on various scales) and that no single truth can be obtained through an assessment process (since assessment results are co-created with all participants in the process) has eased my ethical concerns and enabled me to continue practising my profession with confidence, by taking a fresh viewpoint of what it is that I am doing. It is my hope that other talent management practitioners will find these insights useful and generalisable, and valid to their own practice - extrapolating from the local to the global.

Dissertação(mestrado)-Universidade Federal do Rio Grande, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Geografia, Instituto de Ciências Humanas e da Informação, 2010. / Submitted by Caroline Silva (krol_bilhar@hotmail.com) on 2012-07-25T15:17:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertao alexandre eslabo bandeira.pdf: 4616793 bytes, checksum: 3c448f92a94353c624ddcfaa76a9a52d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Bruna Vieira(bruninha_vieira@ibest.com.br) on 2012-08-03T21:48:56Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertao alexandre eslabo bandeira.pdf: 4616793 bytes, checksum: 3c448f92a94353c624ddcfaa76a9a52d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-08-03T21:48:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertao alexandre eslabo bandeira.pdf: 4616793 bytes, checksum: 3c448f92a94353c624ddcfaa76a9a52d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / O trabalho analisou os movimentos inclusivos e exclusivos que, dentro desse estudo, são elencados diante da dialética social ao individual. As escalas de realidades foram postas e sobrepostas, convergindo diversos caminhos de métodos, que contemplam os sistemas de objetos e de ações (Santos, 1996) que ocasionaram e condicionam os espaços nas suas ações de “uso” e que ficam camufladas diante das “metáforas das verdades” (Nietzsche, 1983). O caminho foi regressivo- progressivo (Martins, 1996; Rique, 2004), visto que a realidade deriva da lei do desenvolvimento desigual, e os processos históricos fazem parte de sua constituição e formação. O debate teórico contemplou no primeiro capítulo possíveis caminhos metodológicos para uma abordagem da dialética exclusão/inclusão, na sua complexidade social. O segundo capítulo procura especificidades que problematizam os processos da “exclusão social”. No terceiro capítulo, são estudadas as estruturas e ações que condicionaram e serviram de base para o surgimento de um mercado mundial de produção e consumo. O quarto capítulo aborda o Brasil e sua formação social a partir da perspectiva econômica de dependência. No quinto capítulo, busca-se a compreensão da cidade, produzida e distribuída. O sexto capítulo foi aferido o processo de urbanização da cidade do Rio Grande, onde se manifesta a dialética exclusão/inclusão. Posteriormente, no sétimo capítulo encontra-se a construção da subjetividade e a repressão do capitalismo no indivíduo (Canevassi, 1984). Evidenciou-se, a partir disso, uma dialética exclusão/inclusão, em que a exclusão cria uma subjetividade específica que promove a ilusão de inclusão. Assim, cada segmento faz parte de um todo e este todo confere as atitudes e não atitudes dentro da realidade do desenvolvimento desigual, que estes submetem e são submetidos, onde cada ser é a imagem viva da materialidade do espaço tempo. / Ce travail fait l’analyse des mouvements d’inclusion et d’exclusion qui sont répérées face à la dialectique du social à l’indivuduel. Les échélles de réalités ont été posées et surposées, dans une convergence de chemins et de méthodes divers qui focalisent les systémes d’objets et d’actions (Santos, 1996) , en conditionnant les espaces dans leurs actions d’ « usage » et en restant camouflées devant les « métaphores de vérités » (Nietzche, 1983). Le chemin parcouru fût regressif-progressif (Martins, 1996; Rique, 2004), vu que la réalité dérive de la loi du développement inégal et que les processus historiques font partie de sa constitution et formation. Le débat théorique ouvre, dans le premier chapitre, chemins méthodologiques possibles pour une abordage da dialéctique exlusion/inclusion dans sa complexité sociale. Dans le deuxième chapitre on procure les spécificités de la problématique des processus de la « exclusion social ». On étudie, dans le troisiéme chapitre, les structures et les actions qui conditionèrent et servirent de base pour le surgissement d’un marché mondial de production et consomation. Au quatrième chapitre on étudie le Brésil, sa formation social à partir de la perspective économique de la dépendance. Le cinquième chapitre cherche la compreension de la cité, produite et ditribuée. Dans le sixiéme, on focalise sur le processus d’urbanisation de la ville de Rio Grande, où la dialectique d’exclusion/inclusion se manifeste. Finelkement, dans le septième chapitre, on trouve le processus de construction de la subjectivité et la répression que le capitalisme exerce sur l’individu (Canevassi, 1984). On voit bien, à partir de tout cela, dans la dialectique exclusion/inclusion, que l’exclusion crée une subjectivité spécifique qui promeut l’illusion de l’inclusion. De cette maniére, chaque segment fait partie d’un tout qui donne aux attitudes et aux non attitudes, un être qui est l’image vivante de la materialité de l’espace-temps auquel elles sont submisses dans la réalité du développement inégal.

In a world where conflict is common, effective programs for reintegration of the combatants must exist for the post conflict societies. There is also a growing presence not only of gangs, but also of reintegration programs for those that chose to leave said gangs. To find what parts of those processes are alike and what parts are different is the objective of this thesis. For the former combatants, the thesis focuses on those of the former rebel group, meaning the illegally armed group. The reasons for comparing the two processes are that they outwardly look quite similar in the sense that the both deal with reintegration of formerly armed groups. Both groups have also been involved in some sort of violent action, and they are both being reintegrated into a society that they are not actively full members of. The research is carried out through a desk study using the method of a qualitative research through and abductive approach. The theoretical framework that is used is the inclusion-exclusion framework from the security-development nexus. This is also combined with the use of an analytical framework which was created using three different parts of full reintegration, namely social, political and economical reintegration. Through the usage of the case study of El Salvador, the thesis found that there were both similarities and differences between the two types of reintegration, however, the differences far outweighed the similarities. The thesis also found that while the two processes may be alike from an outside perspective, they are dealing with people of quite different needs. However, some potential can be seen for changes in both processes in order to improve their efficiency, though more research is needed.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-22T17:26:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sonia Amara Pereira Fabres.pdf: 6676285 bytes, checksum: 9bea55c3f08cefdf306fbebcdf71835d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-13 / The present study aims to investigate the inclusion/exclusion process of students exempted from the registration fee of IFSul campus Pelotas selection process, which entered the institution from the year 2008 and are enrolled in the end of 2011 school year. The research is of qualitative and quantitative character, basing itself in the historical and dialectical materialism, with theoretical referentials connected to areas of Human Rights, Education, Educational Assistance, and inclusion. The study justifies itself by the indication of a very significant evasion and reprobation index of these students, in addition to the finding of their total invisibility, being unknown their academic pathway, difficulties and needs within educational scope, emphasizing their belonging to different educational structures, which include high school, technical, technological and superior formation, as well as students enrolled, reprobated, evaded and also graduated. During the field research, semi-structured questionnaires and opened interviews were used. The study emphasizes the importance of the exempted student's view about the school and how the inclusion/exclusion process is handled. The results indicate the effectuation of the exempted student visions about the Student Assistance, as a process of inclusion, due to the use of educational scholarship/benefit as aids in food, transportation and school materials, ignoring the exclusion s logic through the neoliberal policies and hegemony of classes and markets, reflected within the educational environment, the predominant factor for exclusion in schools. Thus, the Students Assistance characterizes itself as inclusive services and not, in fact, human rights, leading to the knowledge that inclusion is much more than just a help, inasmuch as it is tied to other factors, which the school needs to develop, in order to achieve a real inclusive process / O presente trabalho pretende investigar o processo de inclusão/exclusão dos alunos isentos da taxa de inscrição do processo seletivo do IFSul campus Pelotas os quais ingressaram a partir do ano de 2008 e estão matriculados no término do ano letivo de 2011. A pesquisa é de cunho qualitativo e quantitativo, fundamentando-se nos princípios do materialismo histórico e dialético, com referenciais teóricos ligados às áreas dos Direitos Humanos, Educação, Assistência Educacional e inclusão. A pesquisa que se justifica pela identificação de um índice bastante significativo na evasão e reprovação desses alunos, além da constatação de sua total invisibilidade, sendo desconhecido seu percurso acadêmico, suas dificuldades e suas necessidades dentro do âmbito escolar. Além disso, salienta-se que pertencem a diferentes estruturas de ensino, as quais abrangem o Ensino Médio, Técnico, tecnológico e Superior, em situação de matriculados, reprovados, evadidos ou formados. Durante a pesquisa de campo, utilizaram-se questionários semiestruturados e entrevistas abertas. O estudo enfatiza a importância do olhar próprio do aluno isento quanto a sua trajetória escolar e quanto a sua inclusão/exclusão. Os resultados indicam a efetivação pela visão do aluno isento, da Assistência Estudantil, como um processo de inclusão educacional devido à utilização de bolsa/benefício como auxílios na alimentação, transporte e materiais escolar, desconhecendo a lógica da exclusão através das políticas neoliberais e hegemonia de classes e de mercados repercutidas dentro do ambiente educacional, fator predominante para a exclusão no âmbito escolar. Assim, a Assistência Estudantil caracteriza-se como serviço inclusivo e não de direitos de fato, levando ao entendimento que inclusão é muito mais que uma ajuda, pois está atrelada a outros fatores que a escola precisa desenvolver para concretizar, de fato, um processo inclusivo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:19:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eliane Marchetti Silva Azevedo.pdf: 1658630 bytes, checksum: 209d245f9c958f0704f98ea99ff86daf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-25 / It is known that the school drop-out is a major problem which makes it especially difficult for Youth and Adult Education (EJA) in Brazil to achieve its intended objectives. In offering this modality of education, one of the greatest challenges faced by CEFET-MG has been to ensure the students persistence in these courses. Many of them drop out, postponing or even inhibiting the achievement of a diploma. Therefore, this research aims to investigate and analyze, from the point of view of the students who attend the integrated technical course in Constructions, offered in the PROEJA modality, which factors make them insist on their studies, how they realize the educational formation they have and the extent to which they exercise their citizenship in this context. Two semi-structured questionnaires were used for the purpose of classifying and pointing a demonstrative authority to the qualitative analysis. Furthermore, eight students and a servant of the school were heard with the objective of investigating issues related to the persistence of the students in the course and their exercise of citizenship. Once all the data was collected, it was possible to verify that the actions taken by the Fostering Education Program at CEFET-MG corroborate effectively to the persistence of these students. It was also possible to verify that the process of identification of these students as a team, the appropriation they make of their course and the consequent demand for their rights happen naturally. The students question the conditions under which the course is offered - from its institutional infrastructure to the pedagogical practice of the teachers, without assuming their own limitations and needs. We concluded that, as they struggle to assure their rights, guarantee their school seats, and conquest the desired professional skills, the students reflect upon their own situation, what leads them to increase their self-knowledge level and understand themselves as subjects of rights. This circumstance leads them into the movement of citizenship construction, which happens along their academic career. The EJA, by attending individuals marked by social exclusion, contributes to their rescue of the exercise of citizenship / É sabido que a evasão é um problema crucial que dificulta o alcance dos objetivos propostos à Educação de Jovens e Adultos (EJA). Ao procurar concretizar tal oferta de ensino, um dos grandes desafios enfrentados pelo CEFET/MG tem sido assegurar a permanência dos alunos nesses cursos, pois muitos evadem, postergando, ou mesmo inviabilizando a conquista do diploma. Nesse contexto, este trabalho tem como objetivo pesquisar e analisar, sob o ponto de vista dos alunos frequentes no curso técnico integrado em Edificações, oferecido na modalidade PROEJA, quais fatores os levam a permanecer na instituição, como eles percebem a formação educacional que recebem e até que ponto eles exercem sua cidadania, nesse contexto. Foram aplicados dois questionários semiestruturados, que serviram para classificar e indicar uma autoridade demonstrativa dirigida à análise qualitativa. Ainda, foram ouvidos oito alunos e uma servidora da instituição, com o objetivo de investigar questões relativas à permanência e ao exercício de cidadania. Com os dados coletados, foi possível constatar que as ações executadas de acordo com o Programa de Permanência do CEFET-MG corroboram efetivamente para a permanência desses alunos. Foi, também, possível perceber que o processo de identificação desses alunos enquanto turma, da apropriação que fazem do curso e consequente reivindicação por seus direitos acontece naturalmente. Os alunos questionam as condições em que se dá a oferta do curso desde a infra-estrutura institucional até a prática pedagógica dos professores, sem deixar de levar em consideração as suas próprias limitações e necessidades. Concluímos que, na medida em que lutam para assegurar seus direitos, garantir sua vaga e conquistar a capacitação profissional desejada, os alunos refletem sobre sua situação, o que os leva a aumentar seu nível de autoconhecimento e a perceber-se como sujeitos de direitos. Tal circunstância leva-os ao movimento de construção de cidadania, que se dá ao longo de sua trajetória acadêmica. A EJA, ao atender indivíduos que trazem a marca da exclusão social, contribui para o resgate do exercício de cidadania