Southern rural farming communities and northern Indigenous communities in the Prairie Provinces of Canada each experience the Globalized Agri-Food System (GAFS) as detrimental to their food sovereignty. This study explores the Northern food crisis from an Indigenous perspective. It examines the degree to which rural-settler and Indigenous food sovereignty initiatives can benefit by combining their resistance to the GAFS through North-South collaborative networks, and the pivotal role that youth and youth learning might play in achieving these ends. Insights derived from a youth-focused garden project in the South were complemented by interviews with youth and adults in both locations. The outcomes of this research position the Northern food crisis as a justice issue with connections to culture, environment and food, which in turn reflect a historic and ongoing colonization of Indigenous territories and communities. Successful intercultural alliances towards Alternative Food Systems (AFS) must work towards Indigenous food sovereignty in addressing these issues.

Southern rural farming communities and northern Indigenous communities in the Prairie Provinces of Canada each experience the Globalized Agri-Food System (GAFS) as detrimental to their food sovereignty. This study explores the Northern food crisis from an Indigenous perspective. It examines the degree to which rural-settler and Indigenous food sovereignty initiatives can benefit by combining their resistance to the GAFS through North-South collaborative networks, and the pivotal role that youth and youth learning might play in achieving these ends. Insights derived from a youth-focused garden project in the South were complemented by interviews with youth and adults in both locations. The outcomes of this research position the Northern food crisis as a justice issue with connections to culture, environment and food, which in turn reflect a historic and ongoing colonization of Indigenous territories and communities. Successful intercultural alliances towards Alternative Food Systems (AFS) must work towards Indigenous food sovereignty in addressing these issues.

No description available.

Through exploring nine Indigenous young adults’ perceptions of their roles in building health and wellness through traditional food sovereignty, I assessed the effectiveness of using John Paul Lederach’s (1997) framework of conflict transformation within an Indigenous context for the purpose of creating Indigenous food sovereignty. Conflict transformation does not acknowledge or address the detrimental effects colonization has had on Indigenous peoples within their daily lives. This gap in analysis stunted the effectiveness of conflict transformation in helping young Indigenous adults to challenge colonial authority and work towards developing sustainable approaches to Indigenous food sovereignty. Within the findings, roles emerged related to a generational cycle of learning and teachings traditional knowledge and cultural practices that are applied in the everyday lives of Indigenous peoples. “Learner-teacher cycles” are an Indigenous response to conflicts stemming from colonization. The cycle follows a non-linear progression of learning cultural and traditional knowledge from family and community and the transmission of that knowledge back to family and peers. Learner-teacher cycles are an everyday occurrence and are embedded within Indigenous cultures. Through the learner-teacher cycles, young adults challenge the effects of colonization within their day-to-day lives by learning and practicing cultural ways of being and traditional knowledge, and then transferring their knowledge to next generations and peers. I have concluded that conflict transformation is not an effective tool in resolving protracted conflicts within an Indigenous context, particularly with reference to Indigenous peoples from CoSalish and Dididaht territories on Turtle Island. Learner-teacher cycles, a framework based on Indigenous methods of challenging colonialism through learning, teaching and practicing cultural and traditional ways of being within everyday life, is an appropriate model for young Indigenous adults to use in creating Indigenous food sovereignty. / Graduate

Indigenous values, epistemologies, and indicators have always been ways of teaching and learning about change, and planning for the future. Indigenous food systems are central capacities supporting social-ecological resilience and resistance. Settler-colonialism and environmental degradation are two drivers of rapid and cumulative change over the past century that are at the root of health challenges experienced by Indigenous people and impacts to Indigenous food systems. Indigenous food sovereignty is a framework many Indigenous communities have been working within to support the restoration of Indigenous food systems, knowledges, and relationships to land in this time of resurgence. Recent scholarship highlights the importance of biocultural and culturally grounded values frameworks, aligning with Indigenous epistemologies, for measuring social-ecological resilience and resistance. Indigenous scholars and communities are also calling for more respectful and meaningful research practices in alignment with Indigenous priorities and worldviews. The Neskonlith Band’s Switzmalph community near Salmon Arm, British Columbia, has been working towards restoring Secwépemc plants and food systems through land-based education projects and collaboration in multi-scalar partnerships. This study highlights two cultural concepts or values related to Secwépemc food systems restoration and land based education in Switzmalph and Secwépemc territory more broadly, and their role in guiding future pathways and multi-scalar relationships supporting Secwépemc food systems restoration. This study also highlights the role of storytelling as a method and context for teaching and learning about cultural concepts and values in land-based settings. This study discusses the importance of process-oriented approaches to research for demonstrating how Indigenous ways of knowing can guide ongoing and embodied applications of ethical frameworks. The results of this work highlight the importance of culturally-grounded values in measuring, guiding, and reflecting on change, as well as the vital importance of Indigenous ways of knowing in guiding ethical research processes, and participatory and community-led research throughout all stages of research design. / Graduate

As knowledge about the constellating set of environmental and social crises stemming from the neoliberal global food regime becomes more pressing and popularized among US consumers, it has brought Indigenous actors asserting their political sovereignty and treaty rights with regards to their homelands into new collaborations, contestations, and negotiations with settlers in emerging food politics domains. In this dissertation, I examine solidarities and affinities being forged between Coast Salish and settler food actors in Puget Sound, attending specifically to how contested sovereignties are submerged but at play in these relations and how settler desires for belonging on and to stolen Indigenous lands animate liberal and radical food system politics. The dissertation presents my ethnographic fieldwork in South Puget Sound over a period of 18 months with two related Coast Salish food sovereignty projects that brought Indigenous and settler food actors into weedy collaborations. One was a curriculum development project for Native and regional youth focused on the revitalization of Coast Salish plant landscapes, knowledge, pedagogies, and systems of reciprocity. The other was a campaign to counter the introduction of genetically engineered salmon into US food markets and coastal production facilities across the Western Hemisphere, which I situate within longstanding salmon-centered social and political struggles in Coast Salish territories in the context of Indigenous/settler-state relations. Throughout these engagements, I identified how multicultural, anti-racist, and anti-capitalist food movement frameworks share in common with neoliberal nature privatization schemes modes of disavowing the geopolitics of Indigenous sovereignty within the US settler state. The research reveals patterns in how Coast Salish food actors push back against the ways settler food actors are plugged into settler colonial governmentality. These insights, in turn, helped to make legible how inherited liberal mythologies of the nation-state and legal orders rooted in the doctrine of terra nulliuslimit the stakes of food system work in terms of inclusion and equality, and miss their collusion with structures that unmake the human-land relationships that Coast Salish people define as existential and (geo)political. In my analysis, I engage Indigenous critiques of settler colonialism to complicate Marxian, Deleuzian, and Foucauldian analyses of North American alternative food politics, while doubling back to consider the ways the disavowal of ongoing Indigenous dispossession functions across these literatures and the social practices they influence, ultimately to consider how food-centered scholarship, environmentalism, and politics in North America stand to be transformed by what I argue is a Coast Salish ‘politics of refusal’. This project is unique in attending to how settler colonial theory, Indigenous critical theory, and Indigenous politics in North America enrich and complicate the literatures provincializing the Nature-Culture divide, as well as a largely Marxian and antiracist critical food studies literature. It contributes to settler colonial studies as a project of redefinition for the study of US politics and society while specifically bringing that interdisciplinary project into the ambit of North American critical food studies scholarship.

The purpose of this study is to gain an understanding of Klawock's Tribal Citizens' relationship to harvesting what is colloquially known as customary and traditional foods and/or native foods. The state and federal governments categorize these culturally specific goods as subsistence foods. An unearthed, 5,360-year-old basket potentially links modern day Klawock Tribal Citizens with their ancestral ties to the region. Throughout this time, families in this region of Southeast Alaska have been participating in a form of indigenous fishery. Despite access to multiple grocery stores and fish canneries, tribal citizens choose to expend their family's efforts to harvest their own sockeye out of the Klawock watershed. Oral history and ethnography and methodologies were employed to record personal relationships with the harvest of these resources while also documenting a context in which these relationships exist. Klawock Cooperative Association's staff worked alongside the student researcher and participants to analyze the data and produce findings. Engaging in customary and traditional activities rewards participants with intrinsic facets of their identity. Alongside reinforcing identities, these activities teach participants about family dynamics and working as a team, as well as the responsibilities that come with. These responsibilities are formed through the assignment of roles and provide people with purpose. The roles of individuals within their family dynamic parallel their understanding of their place within the larger society. Having a purpose and knowing their place shapes participant's accomplishments in the food system and honors them with feelings of pride. Based on these findings, KCA interprets customary and traditional activities as an epistemology in which increased access and participation provides an upwards trajectory of community health.

No description available.

Introdução - Os Guarani da Tekoa Pyau, aldeia localizada no município de São Paulo, estão cada vez mais confinados em uma pequena área e ameaçados por disputas territoriais em razão da intensificação da ocupação urbana no entorno. A escassez de terra, que impossibilita muitas atividades tradicionais, e o afluxo crescente de pessoas e mercadorias da cidade fazem com que a vida na aldeia não prescinda de produtos industrializados. Uma grande dificuldade em manter a saúde dos corpos e da vida entre os Guarani é o acesso ao tembiu etei (alimento verdadeiro), cujo conceito perpassa questões políticas, ambientais, econômicas, espirituais, sociais e de saúde. Objetivos - Pesquisar práticas e conhecimentos sobre alimentação e comensalidade na conjuntura presente da Tekoa Pyau, considerando as singularidades dessa aldeia inserida na cidade de São Paulo. Metodologia - A etnografia foi escolhida como ferramenta metodológica para busca de compreensão de um mundo em que as práticas (aqui, particularmente, as da alimentação) só podem ser apreendidas em seus significados locais. As técnicas utilizadas foram a entrevista semiestruturada com moradores guarani e trabalhadores jurua (não indígena) da aldeia e a observação participante. Houve convívio no local e fortalecimento do vínculo que já foi estabelecido em atividades de anos anteriores. De posse desse material organizado, foi realizada análise. Resultados - Os Guarani da Tekoa Pyau se esforçam para manter forte o nhandereko (nosso modo de viver) nos diversos ambientes em que ocorrem transferências de saberes entre gerações: nas matas, quintais, casas, famílias, escolas, cidades, bem como em ocasiões cotidianas e rituais. Mas a vida nessa aldeia guarani na capital paulista também implica o manejo cotidiano de relações com pessoas, coisas e saberes jurua. Os Guarani categorizam os alimentos em morto e vivo, sendo o primeiro os alimentos comprados no mercado, empacotados e que enfraquecem os corpos; já alimentos vivos são extraídos da natureza e os fortalecem. Entre os vivos, existe o avaxi etei (milho verdadeiro), dádiva de Nhanderu (Nosso Pai, divindade) e base da alimentação tradicional Guarani. Moradores da Pyau se orgulham de buscar sementes em outras aldeias para plantar ou guardar e distribuir. Na categoria de alimentos mortos, aqueles açucarados e ultraprocessados são bastante presentes. Ao fazer dialogar o material etnográfico com as políticas que envolvem Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional (SAN), pondera-se que não há consolidação da Vigilância Alimentar e Nutricional em sistema, mau uso de gerência pública com distribuição inadequada de fórmulas infantis, invisibilidade política, cestas básicas distribuídas sem frequência definida e com alimentos que não dialogam com a alimentação tradicional Guarani, além de poucos efeitos positivos das políticas do bolsa família e da alimentação escolar. Conclusão - Os Guarani Mbya buscam maneiras de não perder práticas e conhecimentos que fortalecem o corpo, particularmente na preparação dos alimentos, mesmo que os ingredientes sejam comprados. Seus saberes tradicionais se articulam e são a matriz de significação de práticas na conjuntura atual. Apesar do conceito de SAN estar embasado em concepções ocidentais, são necessárias alianças que se articulem ao nhandereko para a garantia da segurança e soberania alimentar / Introduction - The Guarani of Tekoa Pyau, a village located in the municipality of São Paulo, are increasingly confined in a small area and threatened by territorial disputes due to the intensification of urban occupation in the surrounding area. The scarcity of land, which makes it impossible for many traditional activities, and the growing influx of people and goods from the city, makes that village dependent of industrialized products. Maintaining the health of bodies and life among the Guarani is limited because of the lack of access to tembiu etei (\'true food\'), whose concept pervades political, environmental, economic, spiritual, social and health issues. Objectives - Research practices and knowledge about feeding and commensality in the present conjuncture of Tekoa Pyau, considering singularities of this vilage inserted in the city of São Paulo. Methodology - Ethnography was chosen as a methodological tool to search for an understanding of a world in which practices (here, particularly, those of feeding) can only be apprehended in their local meanings. The approach used were the semi-structured interview with Guarani residents and jurua (\'non-indigenous\') workers from the village and participant observation. There was interaction at the site and strengthening of the bond that was already established in activities of previous years. With possession of this organized material, analysis was carried out. Results - The Guarani of Tekoa Pyau strive to maintain strong nhandereko (\'our way of life\') in the different environments in which transfers of knowledge between generations take place: in the woods, backyards, houses, families, schools, cities, as well as in everyday occasions and rituals. But life in this Guarani village in the capital of São Paulo also implies the daily management of relationships with jurua people, things and knowledge. The Guarani categorize food as \"dead\" and \"living\". Dead are food bought on the market, packaged and that weakens the body. Then, living food are extracted from nature and strengthens the body. Among the \"living\", there is the avaxi etei (\'true corn\'), a gift from Nhanderu (\'Our Father\', divinity) and the basis of the traditional Guarani food. Residents of Pyau pride themselves on seeking seed in other villages to plant or store and distribute. Sugary and ultraprocessed food are quite present in the category of dead foods. When comparing the ethnographic material with the policies that involve Food and Nutrition Security (SAN), it is considered that, beyond the few positive effects of government family support plan, there is no consolidation of Food and Nutrition Surveillance in the system. Furthermore, there is inadequate distribution of infant formulas, political invisibility, undefined schedule to distribute food baskets and food distribution that are not compatible with the traditional Guarani diet. Conclusion - Guarani Mbya seek ways to not lose practices and knowledge that strengthen the body, particularly in the preparation of food, even if the ingredients are purchased. Its traditional knowledges essential for their development. Although the concept of SAN is based on Western conceptions, alliances to the nhandereko are necessary for the guarantee of security and food sovereignty

Introdução - Os Guarani da Tekoa Pyau, aldeia localizada no município de São Paulo, estão cada vez mais confinados em uma pequena área e ameaçados por disputas territoriais em razão da intensificação da ocupação urbana no entorno. A escassez de terra, que impossibilita muitas atividades tradicionais, e o afluxo crescente de pessoas e mercadorias da cidade fazem com que a vida na aldeia não prescinda de produtos industrializados. Uma grande dificuldade em manter a saúde dos corpos e da vida entre os Guarani é o acesso ao tembiu etei (alimento verdadeiro), cujo conceito perpassa questões políticas, ambientais, econômicas, espirituais, sociais e de saúde. Objetivos - Pesquisar práticas e conhecimentos sobre alimentação e comensalidade na conjuntura presente da Tekoa Pyau, considerando as singularidades dessa aldeia inserida na cidade de São Paulo. Metodologia - A etnografia foi escolhida como ferramenta metodológica para busca de compreensão de um mundo em que as práticas (aqui, particularmente, as da alimentação) só podem ser apreendidas em seus significados locais. As técnicas utilizadas foram a entrevista semiestruturada com moradores guarani e trabalhadores jurua (não indígena) da aldeia e a observação participante. Houve convívio no local e fortalecimento do vínculo que já foi estabelecido em atividades de anos anteriores. De posse desse material organizado, foi realizada análise. Resultados - Os Guarani da Tekoa Pyau se esforçam para manter forte o nhandereko (nosso modo de viver) nos diversos ambientes em que ocorrem transferências de saberes entre gerações: nas matas, quintais, casas, famílias, escolas, cidades, bem como em ocasiões cotidianas e rituais. Mas a vida nessa aldeia guarani na capital paulista também implica o manejo cotidiano de relações com pessoas, coisas e saberes jurua. Os Guarani categorizam os alimentos em morto e vivo, sendo o primeiro os alimentos comprados no mercado, empacotados e que enfraquecem os corpos; já alimentos vivos são extraídos da natureza e os fortalecem. Entre os vivos, existe o avaxi etei (milho verdadeiro), dádiva de Nhanderu (Nosso Pai, divindade) e base da alimentação tradicional Guarani. Moradores da Pyau se orgulham de buscar sementes em outras aldeias para plantar ou guardar e distribuir. Na categoria de alimentos mortos, aqueles açucarados e ultraprocessados são bastante presentes. Ao fazer dialogar o material etnográfico com as políticas que envolvem Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional (SAN), pondera-se que não há consolidação da Vigilância Alimentar e Nutricional em sistema, mau uso de gerência pública com distribuição inadequada de fórmulas infantis, invisibilidade política, cestas básicas distribuídas sem frequência definida e com alimentos que não dialogam com a alimentação tradicional Guarani, além de poucos efeitos positivos das políticas do bolsa família e da alimentação escolar. Conclusão - Os Guarani Mbya buscam maneiras de não perder práticas e conhecimentos que fortalecem o corpo, particularmente na preparação dos alimentos, mesmo que os ingredientes sejam comprados. Seus saberes tradicionais se articulam e são a matriz de significação de práticas na conjuntura atual. Apesar do conceito de SAN estar embasado em concepções ocidentais, são necessárias alianças que se articulem ao nhandereko para a garantia da segurança e soberania alimentar / Introduction - The Guarani of Tekoa Pyau, a village located in the municipality of São Paulo, are increasingly confined in a small area and threatened by territorial disputes due to the intensification of urban occupation in the surrounding area. The scarcity of land, which makes it impossible for many traditional activities, and the growing influx of people and goods from the city, makes that village dependent of industrialized products. Maintaining the health of bodies and life among the Guarani is limited because of the lack of access to tembiu etei (\'true food\'), whose concept pervades political, environmental, economic, spiritual, social and health issues. Objectives - Research practices and knowledge about feeding and commensality in the present conjuncture of Tekoa Pyau, considering singularities of this vilage inserted in the city of São Paulo. Methodology - Ethnography was chosen as a methodological tool to search for an understanding of a world in which practices (here, particularly, those of feeding) can only be apprehended in their local meanings. The approach used were the semi-structured interview with Guarani residents and jurua (\'non-indigenous\') workers from the village and participant observation. There was interaction at the site and strengthening of the bond that was already established in activities of previous years. With possession of this organized material, analysis was carried out. Results - The Guarani of Tekoa Pyau strive to maintain strong nhandereko (\'our way of life\') in the different environments in which transfers of knowledge between generations take place: in the woods, backyards, houses, families, schools, cities, as well as in everyday occasions and rituals. But life in this Guarani village in the capital of São Paulo also implies the daily management of relationships with jurua people, things and knowledge. The Guarani categorize food as \"dead\" and \"living\". Dead are food bought on the market, packaged and that weakens the body. Then, living food are extracted from nature and strengthens the body. Among the \"living\", there is the avaxi etei (\'true corn\'), a gift from Nhanderu (\'Our Father\', divinity) and the basis of the traditional Guarani food. Residents of Pyau pride themselves on seeking seed in other villages to plant or store and distribute. Sugary and ultraprocessed food are quite present in the category of dead foods. When comparing the ethnographic material with the policies that involve Food and Nutrition Security (SAN), it is considered that, beyond the few positive effects of government family support plan, there is no consolidation of Food and Nutrition Surveillance in the system. Furthermore, there is inadequate distribution of infant formulas, political invisibility, undefined schedule to distribute food baskets and food distribution that are not compatible with the traditional Guarani diet. Conclusion - Guarani Mbya seek ways to not lose practices and knowledge that strengthen the body, particularly in the preparation of food, even if the ingredients are purchased. Its traditional knowledges essential for their development. Although the concept of SAN is based on Western conceptions, alliances to the nhandereko are necessary for the guarantee of security and food sovereignty