A Assembleia Constituinte que deu origem ao Estado Plurinacional da Bolívia no ano de 2009 marcou o encontro da diferença indígena com o Estado. Baseada em valores e paradigmas alternativos, tais como a plurinacionalidade, a interculturalidade e o vivir bien, a refundação do Estado se insere num contexto de mobilização e articulação de grupos historicamente marginalizados, os quais passaram a questionar a legitimidade do projeto de Estado-nação moderno. Tal processo impactou significativamente não só as estruturas de poder e as instituições estatais, mas também as referências, valores e discursos em torno das questões culturais, simbólicas e identitárias. Desse modo, a pesquisa teve como objetivo principal analisar como as identidades culturais e políticas dos diversos movimentos que compuseram o chamado Pacto de Unidade foram progressivamente reivindicadas, negociadas, articuladas e posicionadas em torno dos diversos temas e das disputas simbólicas e de poder, dando origem ao indígena originário camponês. Para tanto, foi realizada pesquisa interdisciplinar, a partir da (i) da teoria crítica latino-americana, mais especificamente do pensamento descolonial; (ii) dos Estudos Culturais e, em especial, dos Estudos Culturais desde/sobre América Latina; (iii) dos Estudos Pós-Coloniais; e (iv) das Epistemologias do Sul. Os documentos centrais para as análises realizadas foram as duas propostas formuladas pelo Pacto de Unidade para a Assembleia Constituinte entre 2006 e 2007, bem como o texto constitucional aprovado em 2009. A partir de tais análises, concluiu-se que a construção identitária em torno do indígena originário camponês representou uma importante chave de articulação para os movimentos indígenas, tendo relevância tanto simbólica, ao marcar a chegada dessa diferença indígena na institucionalidade estatal, quanto concreta, ao estabelecer novas relações entre povos e nações indígenas com a sociedade nacional e garantir o reconhecimento de direitos específicos. Embora as dificuldades e limitações relativas à articulação de interesses e visões de mundos tão diversos em uma identidade abrangente como o indígena originário camponês já venha se explicitando na prática política, deve-se reconhecer que o processo de formulação de um projeto de nação comum no âmbito do Pacto de Unidade demonstrou que os movimentos indígenas foram capazes de articular políticas identitárias bastante complexas e incorporar conteúdos mais amplos às suas lutas, desestabilizando os significados hegemônicos da nação e levando à reinvenção discursiva e prática da comunidade imaginada. Por fim, cabe destacar que o processo constituinte boliviano representou um importante passo não só na luta pela transformação das relações de poder entre Estado e sociedade, mas também como uma luta epistêmica contra o eurocentrismo como pensamento único e universal, apontando novos valores e horizontes civilizacionais, bem como novas possibilidades teóricas para a análise das identidades culturais contemporâneas / The Constituent Assembly that gave rise to the Plurinational State of Bolivia in 2009 has marked the encounter between the indigenous difference and the State. Based in values and alternative paradigms such as the plurinationality, the interculturality and the vivir bien (live well), the refounding of the State resulted from the context of mobilization and articulation of historically marginalized groups, which started questioning the legitimacy of the modern nation-state project. Such process has impacted significantly not only the power structures and the state-owned institutions, but also the references, values and discourses related to cultural, symbolic and identity questions. On that account, the research had as main objective analyze how the cultural and political identities of the different movements that integrated the so called Pact of Unity had been progressively reivindicated, negotiated, articulated and positioned around the multiple themes and the symbolic and power disputes, giving birth to the indigenous originary peasant. Therefore, interdisciplinary research was developed from (i) the Latin- American critical theory, more specifically the decolonial thought; (ii) the Cultural Studies and, in particular, the Cultural Studies from/about Latin America; (iii) the Postcolonial Studies; and (iv) the Epistemologies of the South. The main documents used to support these analyses were the two proposals formulated by Pact of Unity for the Constituent Assembly between 2006 and 2007, as well the constitutional text approved in 2009. From these analyses it can be understood that the identity construction around the indigenous originary peasant portrayed an important key of articulation for the indigenous movements, having both symbolic relevance, marking the arrival of this indigenous difference in the State institutions, and a concrete relevance, establishing new relation between indigenous people and nations and the national society and guaranteeing specific rights recognition. Although difficulties and limitations related to the articulation of interests and world views so different in an embracing identity as the indigenous originary peasant has already been shown in political practice, it is important to recognize that the formulation process of a common nation project inside the Pact of Unity has demonstrated that indigenous movements were capable of articulating identity politics extremely complexes and incorporating comprehensive contents to their fights, destabilizing the hegemonic meanings of nation and resulting in the discursive and practical reinvention of the imagined community. Finally, it is important to stress the Bolivian constitutional process represented a very important step not only in the fight for transformation of power relations between State and society, but also as an epistemic fight against the eurocentrism as a sole and universal thought, appointing news values and civilizational horizons, as well as new theorical possibilities for the contemporary cultural identities analyses

本論文は、メキシコのチアパス州で1994年に蜂起したサパティスタ民族解放軍が25年にわたって運動を継続させてきた要因について、社会運動論の観点から考察したものである。運動の流れを理解するために、まず運動前史、蜂起後の経緯、2003年に行われた運動方針の転換を網羅的に記述している。その後運動が国内外で支持を得た要因をフレーミング論から論じ、サパティスタ運動が継続し得たのは運動体内部と外部の二重フレーミングがあったためであると指摘した。 / The zapatista army of national liberation, which is a group of indigenous people in Chiapas and declared a war against the federal government of Mexico in 1994, is known as the guerrilla using words, not arms. In this article I analyzed why they have suceeded in keeping struggle more than 25 years. First I have descibed the history of Chiapas, how this movement was born and developed. And I analysed why people in the world got to support them using flaming analysis. As conclusion, I pointed out the double flaming of the zapatista movement. / 博士(グローバル社会研究) / Doctor of Philosophy in Global Society Studies / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

Orientador: Leda Maria Caira Gitahy / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociencias / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T03:25:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Medeiros_IraciAguiar_M.pdf: 904865 bytes, checksum: 5591d461ae6742c0e3865167bdee204a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Baseada no conceito de governança, o objetivo desta dissertação é analisar experiências de inclusão social na universidade. O estudo empírico foi realizado nos cursos de Licenciaturas para os professores indígenas e de Agronomia para os movimentos sociais do campo na Universidade do Estado de Mato Grosso. Os resultados mostram que os mecanismos de governança desenvolvidos na relação entre a universidade e os movimentos sociais nos casos analisados estão promovendo não só a democratização do acesso, como também a inclusão de saberes / Abstract: The main purpose of this dissertation is to analyse experiences of social inclusion at the university, using governance as a key concept. Empirical studies were conducted in the undergraduate courses for indigenous teachers and agronomy for rural workers at the State University of Mato Grosso. The results show that the forms of governance established in the relations between the university and the social movements in the cases studied are promoting accessibility and knowledge inclusion / Mestrado / Mestre em Política Científica e Tecnológica

Angle-Mort de la construction nationale péruvienne, le Haut Marañón est habité par les populations indigènes awajún et wampís, et décrété terre de mission chrétienne au milieu du XXème siècle. Ce territoire amazonien, situé au nord-Est du pays sur une zone frontalière disputée avec l’Équateur depuis les débuts de l’ère républicaine, fait l’objet d’un projet d'intégration à la sphère étatique et nationale. Colonisation interne par des populations paysannes métisses, exploration du sous-Sol préalable à l’élaboration de plans d'extraction minière, pénétration des pratiques narcotrafiquantes, institutionnalisation des œuvres scolaire et médicale: de confin relégué à un statut d’invisibilité, le Haut Marañón devient alors un front de progression de la "société englobante”, nationale puis internationale. Cette recherche retrace l'histoire de la "rencontre" entre deux sphères culturelles, indigène et englobante, dont le Haut Marañón est le théâtre, de l’arrivée des jésuites en 1946 à 2009, date du Baguazo, un conflit sanglant survenu dans la ville de Bagua entre indigènes et forces de police. La thèse montre que loin de se limiter à une simple absorption du marginal par le national, cette rencontre a suscité l'intérêt d'une société civile encore en gestation, et précipité une remise en question partielle du paradigme historique de construction nationale, jusqu'alors sous-Tendu par des logiques socio-Raciales discriminantes et inégalitaires. / As an overlooked piece of Peru’s nation building process, the High Marañón region was mainly populated by indigenous, Awajún and Wampís populations until it was designated a Christian mission land in the middle of the XXth century. This Amazonian territory, located on the northeastern part of the country on the border with Ecuador, has been in diplomatic dispute since the early republican era. As a result, it became the focus of projects whose aim was to integrate the High Marañón into the nation and whose outcome was a number of new phenomena such as a process of “internal colonization” by peasants of mixed race, a series of subsoil explorations for mining extraction, and the institutionalization of activities related to education and health. From a forlorn land made invisible by the limitations of peruvian state apparatus, the High Marañón region became a battleground in the progression of global dynamics. This research aims to narrate the history of the “encounter” of two cultural areas, the indigenous one and the global one, from the arrival of the Jesuit mission in 1946 to the Baguazo event, so-Named after a bloody conflict between indigenous activists and police forces in the city of Bagua which took place in 2009. This research demonstrates that far from limiting itself to a mere absorption of a margin by a nation, this encounter has aroused the interest of Peruvian civil society, and partially called into question the historical nation-Building paradigm, in which socio-Racially biased logics have thusfar prevailed.