Recognized as one of the most revolutionary labor unions in America during the early twentieth-century by the general public and the federal government, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) separated themselves from the rest of the labor unions because of their success in executing general strikes and their brash appeal. The group advocated tactics which, the organization believed, would strengthen the country's labor movement, which included “dual unionism” and a stance against politically affiliated groups. During a period of poor labor conditions and inadequate income with long working hours the United States experienced a swell of labor unions that looked to change the status quo. The IWW fought for industrial workers as opposed to craft workers, which meant the organization consisted of those who were rejected from craft union groups such as immigrant as well as ethnic workers. The creation of the IWW was a response to the monopoly the American Federation of Labor (AFL) held over the rest of the labor unions. As one of its primary qualities, the IWW separated itself from the AFL and other labor groups by enforcing its “dual unionist” stance, which prohibited any IWW member from infiltrating said labor unions. Towards the end of World War I the Bolshevik Party inside Russia overthrew the Tsar and the provisional government during the Russian Revolution. The Bolsheviks then created a state in which the workers held control of the country. While the Communist ideology and the syndicalist beliefs of the IWW were not identical, leaders of the IWW saw the advantages of supporting Communism. However, the General Executive Board (GEB) of the IWW prohibited affiliation with the Communist Party, as the organization felt threatened by the party's attraction. Remaining firm in its stance as a “dual unionist” organization the IWW disassociated itself from the Communist Party. The inability for the GEB to compromise on tactics that could have potentially amalgamate the two groups shrank the organization. Former IWW members, such as Bill Haywood, William Z. Foster, and James P. Cannon left the IWW and joined the Communist Party with hopes of furthering America's labor movement. To better understand what life was like for labor activists in the early twentieth-century one has to see the progressions workers took to achieve their goals. In this case, “history from above,” represented by the three former IWW members already mentioned, (Haywood, Foster, and Cannon) shows how change was accomplished by the transition from one organization to another. The IWW was a change from previous labor groups in the 1900s and 1910s, but became stagnate as the organization refused to alternate the tactics it implemented. In order to establish a successful labor movement, collaboration was paramount, which, in turn, rejected the concept of “dual unionism.”

No description available.

A study of industrial workers in Russia under the systems of Communism and under Capitalism.

Introdução: A Doença Ocupacional relacionada à pele é um importante problema de Saúde Pública atingindo milhares de trabalhadores industriais no Brasil e no mundo, trazendo sérias conseqüências econômicas e sociais, como custos com cuidados médicos, ações trabalhistas, afastamento do trabalhador do seu posto de trabalho e queda na produtividade. O objetivo geral deste estudo é realizar um levantamento bibliográfico sobre a ocorrência de dermatoses ocupacionais em trabalhadores industriais, em particular, da indústria do cimento, bem como sobre suas causas, consequências, medidas preventivas e de promoção da saúde. O objetivo específico é propor um Programa de Promoção da saúde da pele e sua possível avaliação. Materiais e Métodos - levantamento bibliográfico e elaboração de uma proposta de um programa de promoção da saúde da pele do trabalhador na indústria do cimento no Brasil. Resultados - a pesquisa registrou a literatura existente no campo da promoção da saúde do trabalhador industrial e problemas de pele relacionados ao trabalho, nesses trabalhadores. A proposta do programa foi elaborada na forma de um modelo lógico, que consistiu no reconhecimento da exposição do trabalhador aos agentes químicos presentes nos ambientes de trabalho e nos pontos de higienização das mãos, educação em saúde e implantação de um sistema adequado e específico de higienização, restauração e proteção da pele. A avaliação do resultado foi sugerida com base no monitoramento do nível de hidratação da pele dos trabalhadores, avaliações visuais da pele e fotografias das mãos, além de questionários de percepção respondidos pelos trabalhadores. / Occupational Skin Disease is an important issue in Public Health involving million of industrial workers ìn Brazil and worldwide, bringing serious economic and social consequences like healthcare assistance costs, labour proceedings, worker absence and decrease of production. The general objective of this study is to carry out a bibliographical survey on industrial workers affected by occupational dermatosis, particularly those linked to cement industry correlating causes, consequences, preventive measures and health promotion approaches. The specific objective is to propose a skin health promotion program and its possible evaluation. Methods and Material - bibliographical survey and a skin health promotion program proposal at a cement industry in Brasil. Results - the research has showed the currently literature in health promotion for industrial workers and skin problems related to the developed activities. The program suggestion was constructed in a logical model in relation to recognizing the worker exposure to chemical agents that can exist in the occupational environment and at handwashing stations, education health and one specific hand care system for hand hygiene, skin restoration and protection. The result evaluation was suggested considering the worker's skin hydration level, as well as visual evaluations and hand pictures, besides the perception questionnaires answered by the workers.

Introdução: A Doença Ocupacional relacionada à pele é um importante problema de Saúde Pública atingindo milhares de trabalhadores industriais no Brasil e no mundo, trazendo sérias conseqüências econômicas e sociais, como custos com cuidados médicos, ações trabalhistas, afastamento do trabalhador do seu posto de trabalho e queda na produtividade. O objetivo geral deste estudo é realizar um levantamento bibliográfico sobre a ocorrência de dermatoses ocupacionais em trabalhadores industriais, em particular, da indústria do cimento, bem como sobre suas causas, consequências, medidas preventivas e de promoção da saúde. O objetivo específico é propor um Programa de Promoção da saúde da pele e sua possível avaliação. Materiais e Métodos - levantamento bibliográfico e elaboração de uma proposta de um programa de promoção da saúde da pele do trabalhador na indústria do cimento no Brasil. Resultados - a pesquisa registrou a literatura existente no campo da promoção da saúde do trabalhador industrial e problemas de pele relacionados ao trabalho, nesses trabalhadores. A proposta do programa foi elaborada na forma de um modelo lógico, que consistiu no reconhecimento da exposição do trabalhador aos agentes químicos presentes nos ambientes de trabalho e nos pontos de higienização das mãos, educação em saúde e implantação de um sistema adequado e específico de higienização, restauração e proteção da pele. A avaliação do resultado foi sugerida com base no monitoramento do nível de hidratação da pele dos trabalhadores, avaliações visuais da pele e fotografias das mãos, além de questionários de percepção respondidos pelos trabalhadores. / Occupational Skin Disease is an important issue in Public Health involving million of industrial workers ìn Brazil and worldwide, bringing serious economic and social consequences like healthcare assistance costs, labour proceedings, worker absence and decrease of production. The general objective of this study is to carry out a bibliographical survey on industrial workers affected by occupational dermatosis, particularly those linked to cement industry correlating causes, consequences, preventive measures and health promotion approaches. The specific objective is to propose a skin health promotion program and its possible evaluation. Methods and Material - bibliographical survey and a skin health promotion program proposal at a cement industry in Brasil. Results - the research has showed the currently literature in health promotion for industrial workers and skin problems related to the developed activities. The program suggestion was constructed in a logical model in relation to recognizing the worker exposure to chemical agents that can exist in the occupational environment and at handwashing stations, education health and one specific hand care system for hand hygiene, skin restoration and protection. The result evaluation was suggested considering the worker's skin hydration level, as well as visual evaluations and hand pictures, besides the perception questionnaires answered by the workers.

After gaining independence from Pakistan in 1971, the Bangladesh state moved from a mainly state-managed sector to a privatised one based on export-oriented industrialisation. Under this policy, the production of garments for export emerged in the mid-1970s to later become the most lucrative export earner for Bangladesh, underlining the fact that it has become an important world exporter of garments. In developing into the only multi-billion- dollar manufacturing export in the country, this industry has created employment for more than a million workers most of whom are young females from the impoverished rural areas of Bangladesh. This is socially significant because, for the first time, it marked the entry of Bangladeshi women into formal manufacturing employment. This thesis attempts to examine the origins and development of this export garments industry, with specific reference to the role of women workers in this process. In so it endeavours to contextualise these issues by arguing that the changes that it endeavours can be best explained according to a Marxist class analysis and by reference to a colonial history characterised by ongoing exploitation in an emerging manufacturing sector and by ongoing resistance to such exploitation by an emerging industrial workforce. Additionally, in examining the development of this industry, the thesis also sets out to show how the industry is the product of a conjuncture of forces, including an emerging capitalist class, a weak state, foreign capital and international state formations such as GATT and the ILO. / Finally, by testing some of the prevailing hypotheses in the literature that deals with third world women workers, the thesis examines the impact of this industrial development on the place of women in Bangladeshi society. More specifically, it attempts to demonstrate that, contrary to the dominant view, such workers are not necessarily passive; nor are they reluctant to engage in trade union activity. Instead, it endeavours to show that, in the case of the export garments industry in Bangladesh, the young women workers have over time learned to exercise their rights and to participate in industrial activity, largely, and ironically because the centralisation necessary for labour and quality standards has also created the conditions for the proletarianisation of the women workers.

Despite the enactment of hearing protection laws and recommended standards over the last four decades, the prevalence of hearing loss among workers has remained unchanged. Limiting the amount of time spend in high noise areas, as well as wearing hearing protection devices, can reduce the effects of noise on hearing loss. Though research has examined the consistency of use of hearing protection devices (HPD) among workers, the importance of fit, and a real-world comparison to the marketed attenuation needed further examination. The goal of this project is to evaluate the effectiveness of HPDs used by agricultural and industrial workers enrolled in a hearing conservation program by comparing personal attenuation rating (PAR) to the manufacturer’s reported noise reduction rating (NRR). The two study groups were selected since workplaces are required to train workers enrolled in an OSHA Hearing Conservation Program on proper insertion techniques, but farmers do not typically receive any training on using hearing protection unless they are employed elsewhere. The effectiveness of the inserted HPDs were quantified via the 3M E-A-RfitTM Dual Ear Validation System, and the results were compared to the NRR provided by the manufacturer. The fit of hearing protection was evaluated for 60 farmers (247 plug pairs) and 76 workers (275 plug pairs), using four models of earplugs (two formable and two non-formable). The results show that although formable ear plugs have higher reported NRRs, a higher percentage of participants achieved PARs greater than or equal to the A-weighted adjusted NRR-7 for the non-formable plugs.

This study builds upon the notion of a Wobbly 'sensibility' established by Salvatore Salemo and relates it to John Townsend's analysis of conflict between that group's adherents and western Progressives. The latter scholar, by concentrating on middle-class economic anxiety, failed to deal with the virtual unanimity of opposition to the IWW in western towns. Salerno's assertion that a 'sensibility' within the IWW was more binding than ideology raises the possibility that individuals and organizations of varying beliefs could be similarly united within a single cultural sphere with a directed purpose. Such an analysis can apply to factions of Progressivism and radical labor alike. The first chapter begins with a brief account of the historical context, origins, and organizational history of the IWW. This second section discusses the internal dynamic of the IWW, particularly the relationship between the leadership and rank-and-file. The third section briefly explicates the purpose of the thesis. The second chapter recounts important episodes of IWW activity that occurred on the West Coast concurrently with the strike in order to set the regional context of the conflict. The third chapter begins with a section discussing the development of Progressivism and urbanization in a national context and emphasizes cultural conflict. The second section is a brief survey of Progressive era Portland, Oregon. The third and fourth sections discuss the cultural repercussions of women entering industrial life on a mass scale. The chapter concludes with a brief demographic survey of cannery women. The fourth chapter is a chronological narrative of the strike, and is followed by a concluding fifth chapter of analysis. The first section suggests a Progressive 'sensibility' arrayed specifically against radical labor, while the next section discusses a radical 'sensibility' hostile to varying aspects of the cultural norms of Progressivism. The final section asserts the importance of analysis of cultural values, above even notions of class, in addition to economic analysis in order to obtain a more useful synthesis of Wobbly conflict than now exists.

Armistice Day 1919 was enthusiastically celebrated in Centralia, Washington. The Principle event of the day’s activities was a parade organized under the leadership of the newly formed American Legion. But the parade was to be more than the simple affirmation of the victory in France, it was to be a reaffirmation of the patriotism of the newly returned sailors and soldiers and their home-town supporters. Centralia was a troubled city in 1919. Organized labor of the most militant and extreme sort was challenging the oligopoly of the lumber trust. The Industrial Workers of the World had been successful in their strike of 1917 and had worked significant and widespread changes in the wage and work conditions then effective in the lumber camps of the pacific northwest. These “Wobblies” had established an office in Centralia which was a principle transit site for both the lumber camps working in the Cowlitz River foothills and the incredibly rich Grays’ Harbor district. Loggers bound in and out of this location had to stop over in Centralia where they were proselytized by the firey orators of the IWW. The Becker Committee affidavits give us a useful and unique resource for attempting to present the tragic events of November 11, 1919 in Centralia, Washington.

Os metalúrgicos da região do ABC Paulista sofreram, desde o golpe militar em 1964, de um lado, a repressão política que impossibilitava a organização dos trabalhadores, tanto sindical como grevista; e de outro, o arrocho salarial e a carestia, causados pela política econômica do governo que, nesta época, era quem determinava os índices de reajuste salarial. Paralelamente, durante a década de 70, o Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Bernardo do Campo e Diadema, progressivamente, adotou um discurso de aproximação aos trabalhadores. Ainda, muitos movimentos populares se organizaram neste período na Grande São Paulo, articulando-se com os movimentos sindicais. Tais processos desencadearam uma série de greves de trabalhadores do setor metalúrgico no ABC Paulista, em um ciclo que começou em 1978 e se estendeu até meados da década de 80. As greves marcaram a fundação do que se chama hoje de novo sindicalismo, além de ter raízes na fundação da CUT (Central Única dos Trabalhadores) e do PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores). A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar, a partir de uma perspectiva psicossocial, a memória que trabalhadores metalúrgicos do ABC Paulista têm das greves, bem como dos processos que a antecederam. A psicologia social, ciência que foca o homem enquanto participante de grupos ou coletividades, que vive em companhia dos outros, é um campo do conhecimento adequado para a análise de fenômenos políticos, como foram as greves dos metalúrgicos do ABC. O recurso à memória, por meio de depoimentos, traz pistas de como se deu a participação do trabalhador na greve, assim como da relação dele com as pessoas envolvidas (colegas, sindicalistas, patrões). Foram entrevistados cinco metalúrgicos que participaram das greves referidas, e um que não participou das greves, mas viveu o momento em que elas aconteceram na condição de trabalhador metalúrgico. Foram feitas entrevistas semi-dirigidas, que privilegiaram a narrativa dos fatos vividos. A análise das entrevistas foi feita seguindo uma linha qualitativa, e foi dividida em quatro eixos, expostos a seguir: 1) Sobre os significados das greves, estes apareceram de múltiplas formas. As greves apareceram relacionadas à violência, à conquista de direitos e ao resgate de uma dignidade perdida; 2) A partir dos depoimentos percebe-se uma construção coletiva das memórias das greves, principalmente em relação aos acontecimentos com participação de grande número de pessoas, como as grandes assembleias. Cada depoente, no entanto, destaca o que foi marcante para si. E as narrativas de acontecimentos que tiveram uma participação ativa do depoente têm importante destaque nas entrevistas; 3) Nas trajetórias de formação política dos grevistas aparece com destaque a importância do sindicato e dos movimentos sociais, como o ligado à Igreja Católica. A mediação de tais movimentos coletivos exerce papel fundamental na conscientização sobre a organização política e social relacionada às greves; e 4) O entrelaçamento temporal nos depoimentos mostra que é inevitável a comparação dos fatos lembrados do passado com o momento presente. As avaliações das consequências das greves no presente e as perspectivas políticas para o futuro estão ligadas ao que o trabalhador construiu como horizonte utópico. / The metallurgist workers from the ABC Paulista area suffered, since the military coup détat in 1964, from on side, the political repression that made impossible the workers oragnization (either concerning to labor unions or to calling strikes); from the other, the salary devaluation and the accentuated raise of prices, caused by the the economical politics of the government that, in those times, was who determined the salary rates. At the same time, during the 1970s, the São Bernardo do Campo and Diadema Metallurgist Labor Union, pregressively, adopted the intention to get closer to the workers causes. Furthermore, many popular movements were organized during this period in the Great São Paulo, also tying up with the labor unions. Such processes leaded to a series of strikes of the metallurgist workers in the ABC Paulista, starting in 1978 and continiung until the mid 1980s. These strikes are related to the foundation of the so-called New Labor-Unionism, as well as having straight relations with the foundation of the CUT (an important labor union central in Brazil) and the PT (Workers Party). The aim of this research is to analyse, in a psycho-social perspective, the memories that the metallurgist workers have of these strikes, as well as the memories of the processes that preceded them. Social psychology, a science that has its focus on the person that takes part on groups or collectivities and that lives in company of others, is a suitable subject for the analysis of any political phenomena, such as the strikes. The support of the memory, brought up by the testimony of those who wer involved on the happenings, can give us clues of how the involvement of the workers in the strike were, as well as their relations with the people who took part on the processes (co-workers, union traders, bosses). Five metallurgist workers that took part os the strikes mentioned above were interviewed. Also one worker that didnt take part on the strikes, but was working in an metallurgist factory at that time, was interviewed. The interviews were based on the semi-direct method, focusing on the narration of the events. The analysis of the interviews was made according to a qualitative stream, and was divided in four axes, which are the following: 1) About the meaning of the strikes, these apperaed in multiple forms. They were related to violence, to the conquering of rights and to the rescue of a lost dignity; 2) A collective construction of the memory of the strikes was noticed, especially over the events that had a great amount of people involved, like some assemblies. Each interviewee, though, made stand out the facts that were most meaningful for himself. And the events that had an active participation of the interviewees had an important distinction on the narrations; 3) About the political upbringing of the strikers, the union trades and the social movements (such as the one linked to the catholic church) play an important role. The mediation of these movements are essential for bringing up the consciousness of the political and social organization related to the strikes; and 4) There is an inevitable interlacement between past and present during the remebering process. The judgement of the consequences of the strikes on the present and the political perspectives of the future are linked to how the worker constituted his utopic horizons.