Cette thèse part du constat que les cadres théoriques explicatifs des relations d’emploi sont plus adaptés au contexte occidental et ne permettent pas d’expliquer les réalités des pays en développement en général et de l’Afrique subsaharienne en particulier. Elle s’appuie sur les pratiques d’informalisation des emplois miniers par l’externalisation au Ghana et en Côte d’Ivoire pour proposer une théorie appropriée au contexte de l’Afrique de l’Ouest. La question principale de la recherche est la suivante : quelles logiques orientent les acteurs dans leur positionnement face au processus d’informalisation des emplois miniers en Afrique de l’Ouest ? De cette question principale ont découlé les questions secondaires à savoir : que comprendre de l’option des entreprises minières pour les pratiques d’informalisation des emplois? Comment expliquer les stratégies gouvernementales dans l’encadrement ou non de ces pratiques? Et que dire des stratégies de l’acteur syndical ou des communautés locales (autorités/chefferies traditionnelles) face à ces pratiques? Pour répondre à ces questions, la thèse s’est appuyée sur une comparaison des contextes coloniaux anglophone et francophone de l’Afrique de l’Ouest pour s'interroger sur l’influence des trajectoires et traditions institutionnelles sur les logiques des acteurs contemporains des relations d’emploi. Elle a mobilisé des ressources théoriques complémentaires issues de l’institutionnalisme historique, des variétés de capitalismes, de l’histoire des pays et des théories du système monde et du capitalisme périphérique. La méthodologie est quant à elle basée sur un devis qualitatif, avec une analyse multiniveau et des études de cas comparatives d’entreprises minières au Ghana et en Côte d’Ivoire. Au total, quatre entreprises minières à raison de deux par pays (une entreprise originaire du Canada et une autre originaire de l’Inde dans chacun des pays hôtes) ont été étudiées. Des entrevues ont été réalisées auprès de 33 personnes ressources identifiées au sein de ces entreprises et dans les institutions sectorielles et nationales des relations industrielles. Cette approche méthodologique a permis d’appréhender les contextes nationaux des relations d’emploi dans les deux pays étudiés, mais aussi les logiques mobilisées par les acteurs, aux échelles nationales et des entreprises, face aux pratiques d’externalisation des emplois. L’analyse des données collectées a permis de constater qu’au niveau des acteurs gouvernementaux des deux pays, la logique a évolué de l’organisation juridique autour de l’emploi formel à durée indéterminée comme norme à la déréglementation et à l’intégration des pratiques d’externalisation grâce aux réformes introduites dans le cadre des programmes d’ajustement structurel. Dans les deux pays, l’influence des organisations internationales notamment le FMI et la BM est déterminante dans l’adoption de cette posture idéologique de la régulation flexible des relations d’emploi. Les logiques patronales d’informalisation des emplois dans les deux pays s’inscrivent, quant à elles, dans des dynamiques de rationalisation de la gestion et donc de maximisation des profits. Toutefois, la thèse a permis de mettre en évidence un effet « pays d’origine de la mine » qui peut affecter la forme de la pratique d’externalisation adoptée, particulièrement en Côte d’Ivoire où les mécanismes de suivi de l’application de la loi ne sont pas aussi contraignants qu’au Ghana. Enfin, les logiques syndicales s’inscrivent davantage dans le cadre institutionnel national d’organisation de l’action syndicale. Au Ghana, la nature décentralisée de l’organisation syndicale est plus favorable à l’exclusion des travailleurs externalisés alors que le cadre centralisé ivoirien se prête davantage à l’unité d’action entre travailleurs externalisés et travailleurs de l’entreprise utilisatrice. En somme, la thèse soutient que pour comprendre les logiques d’acteurs syndicaux et gouvernementaux face aux pratiques d’informalisation des emplois, il convient de considérer le degré d’autonomie des États par rapport à l’influence des institutions internationales notamment la BM, le FMI et l’OIT. Au-delà de ces organisations, il importe aussi de savoir la façon dont le facteur colonial continue d'influencer les pratiques et logiques d’acteurs de ces pays notamment par le maintien des modèles juridiques hérités, l’utilisation par les tribunaux de la jurisprudence des anciennes puissances colonisatrices et l’alignement des pratiques institutionnelles contemporaines sur les modèles de ces anciennes puissances. Pour ce qui est des entreprises, les données de la thèse appuient l’idée que les pratiques d’externalisation s’inscrivent dans une logique de maximisation des profits, mais elles sont modulées en fonction du contexte national d’implantation des entreprises. Dans un environnement où il y a un mécanisme de suivi rigoureux de l’application des lois, toutes les entreprises ont tendance à avoir des pratiques similaires. En revanche, dans un contexte où le mécanisme de suivi est moins efficace et moins rigoureux on a tendance à observer des comportements d’entreprises qu’on peut relier à leurs pays d’origine. Finalement, les niveaux de responsabilités et la place accordés aux autorités locales dans les contextes nationaux peuvent entraîner l'implication plus ou moins importante de ces dernières dans les pratiques d’emploi. / This thesis starts from the observation that the theoretical frameworks explaining employment relations are more adapted to the Western context and make it difficult to explain the realities of developing countries in general and sub-Saharan Africa in particular. It draws on the practices of informalization of mining jobs through outsourcing in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire to propose an appropriate theory to the West African context. The main question of the research is the following: what logic guides the actors in their positioning facing the process of informalization of mining jobs in West Africa? From this main question arose secondary questions, like: What to understand from the practice of jobs informalization in the mining companies? How can we explain government strategies regarding the regulation or lack of regulation of these practices? And what can we say about the strategies of the union actor or local communities (traditional authorities/chiefdoms) regarding these practices? To answer these questions, the thesis relied on a comparison of the English-speaking and French-speaking colonial contexts of West Africa to question the influence of trajectories and institutional traditions on the logics of contemporary actors of employment relations. It mobilized complementary theoretical resources from historical institutionalism, varieties of capitalism, the history of countries and theories of the world system and peripheral capitalism. The methodology is based on a qualitative estimate, with a multilevel analysis and comparative case studies of mining companies in Ghana and Côte d'Ivoire. A total of four mining companies, two companies per country one from Canada and another one from India in each of the two countries, were studied. Interviews were conducted with 33 individuals selected within these companies and in sectoral and national industrial relations institutions. This methodological approach made it possible to understand the national contexts of employment relations in the two countries studied, but also the logics mobilized by the actors at the national and company levels, relating to jobs outsourcing. The analysis of the data collected has shown that at the level of the government actors of the two countries, the logic has evolved from the legal organization around formal permanent employment to deregulation and the integration of outsourcing practices through reforms introduced under structural adjustment programs. In both countries, the influence of international organizations, particularly the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, is decisive in the adoption of this ideological posture of flexible regulation of employment relations. The employers' logic of jobs informalization in the two countries is more in line with the dynamics of rationalization of management and therefore maximization of profits. However, the research has revealed a "country of origin effect" in those mining companies. This effect affects the form of the outsourcing practice adopted, particularly in Côte d'Ivoire where the mechanisms for monitoring the application of the law are not as restrictive as in Ghana. Finally, Union logics are aligned with the national institutional framework, which organize union action. In Ghana, the decentralized nature of union organization is more favorable to the exclusion of outsourced workers, while the Ivorian centralized framework lends itself more to unity of action between outsourced workers and workers from the mining company. Ultimately, the thesis argues that to understand the logics of union and government actors faced with the practices of informalization of mining jobs through outsourcing, it is appropriate to consider the degree of autonomy of countries in relation to the influence of international institutions, notably the WB, the IMF and the ILO. Beyond these organizations, it is also important to know the way in which the colonial factor continues to influence the practices and logic of actors, particularly through the maintenance of inherited legal models, the use by courts of case law of the former colonizing powers and the alignment of contemporary institutional practices on the models of these former powers. As for companies, the data from the thesis supports the idea that outsourcing practices are part of a profit maximization logic, but they are modulated according to the national context in which the companies are established. In an environment where there is a rigorous monitoring mechanism for law enforcement, all companies tend to have similar practices. On the other hand, in a context where the monitoring mechanism is less effective and less rigorous, we tend to observe behaviors of companies that can be linked to their countries of origin. Finally, the levels of responsibilities and the place granted to local authorities in national contexts can lead to more or less significant involvement in employment practices.

<p>The general aim of this essay is to situate the AIDS-epidemic in its socio-economic context, in order to see how HIV/AIDS affects households at a micro level. The material for the study was gathered during a minor field study conducted in Mwanza City, Tanzania.  The majority of the population in Tanzania is not part of the formal economic sector and does not enjoy the security of public health care, pension and other forms of support. Instead of being employed in the formal sector these people draw on different informal sources to secure their livelihoods. This has created a context where people are vulnerable in a situation of crisis. Since the 1980s - when the first cases of HIV were recorded in Tanzania - the epidemic has grown and HIV now constitutes one of the major threats to livelihood security.  But what impact does HIV/AIDS have on livelihood strategies in an urban setting? And how does the AIDS-epidemic affect society in general? Theses questions are investigated using qualitative methods and the data is analyzed by means of a livelihood framework.  From the gathered material I could conclude that HIV/AIDS indeed affects the livelihood strategies of afflicted households. Social capital – in the shape of support from family, friends and other networks – turned out to be an important resource. There is, however, an inequity in access to this resource. Stigmatisation has a negative impact on the social capital and increases the vulnerability of the afflicted households.  The essay deals with these issues in a wider perspective in relation to the role of the state and other actors and it is concluded with a discussion on the role of livelihood studies in the prevailing discourse on HIV/AIDS.</p>

The general aim of this essay is to situate the AIDS-epidemic in its socio-economic context, in order to see how HIV/AIDS affects households at a micro level. The material for the study was gathered during a minor field study conducted in Mwanza City, Tanzania.  The majority of the population in Tanzania is not part of the formal economic sector and does not enjoy the security of public health care, pension and other forms of support. Instead of being employed in the formal sector these people draw on different informal sources to secure their livelihoods. This has created a context where people are vulnerable in a situation of crisis. Since the 1980s - when the first cases of HIV were recorded in Tanzania - the epidemic has grown and HIV now constitutes one of the major threats to livelihood security.  But what impact does HIV/AIDS have on livelihood strategies in an urban setting? And how does the AIDS-epidemic affect society in general? Theses questions are investigated using qualitative methods and the data is analyzed by means of a livelihood framework.  From the gathered material I could conclude that HIV/AIDS indeed affects the livelihood strategies of afflicted households. Social capital – in the shape of support from family, friends and other networks – turned out to be an important resource. There is, however, an inequity in access to this resource. Stigmatisation has a negative impact on the social capital and increases the vulnerability of the afflicted households.  The essay deals with these issues in a wider perspective in relation to the role of the state and other actors and it is concluded with a discussion on the role of livelihood studies in the prevailing discourse on HIV/AIDS.

Este estudo analisa a formalização dos empreendimentos industriais de confecção na cidade de Caruaru. A região do Polo de Confecções do Agreste Pernambucano é composta por diversos municípios, entre eles Caruaru, com uma significativa produção de artigos de vestuário. Esse aglomerado produtivo começou a se formar ainda na década de 1950 e, desde a origem, a maior parte das atividades é desenvolvida de maneira informal. Contudo, a partir de 1990 o aglomerado vem passando por processos crescentes de modernização, industrialização e uma imbricação cada vez maior com a dinâmica capitalista, atraindo a ação do Estado e do capital. Uma das principais transformações é a regularização fiscal das unidades produtivas. Frente a esta realidade nossa problemática se volta para o processo de formalização da indústria: oficinas, que iniciaram suas atividades predominantemente em domicílios, com mão de obra familiar e informal, e se tornaram fábricas de confecção. O problema de pesquisa parte do pressuposto de que a informalidade histórica e dominante, tanto das unidades produtivas como das relações de trabalho, está sendo reconfigurada pelo processo de formalização. A análise mobiliza a discussão conceitual sobre informalidade, flexibilização e precariedade. Sendo a flexibilização do processo produtivo e das relações de trabalho uma condição do capitalismo flexível, sendo o trabalho familiar, informal e precário uma característica histórica e constitutiva desta região, existindo o crescente movimento de imbricação com a dinâmica capitalista de cujos processos de formalização são uma expressão, perguntamos: qual o significado da formalização? A partir da formalização dos empreendimentos, o que está se constituindo como (novo) padrão em termos de relações de trabalho? O debate teórico central gravita em torno do conceito de processos de informalização, de Maria Cristina Cacciamali (2000, 2011), que servem de terreno para a discussão acerca da nova informalidade, a qual tem sido desenvolvida, principalmente, por Angela Maria Carneiro Araújo (2011), Maria da Graça Druck (2011a) e Roberto Véras de Oliveira (2011 a/b). A base metodológica está composta por entrevistas semiestruturadas, observação dos locais de produção e comercialização e coleta de dados em fontes secundárias. A partir da análise do processo de formalização dos empreendimentos industriais, acompanhada da retomada das transformações por que tem passado este aglomerado produtivo, concluímos que está se consolidando um padrão de formalização: a formalização institucional que engendra relações de trabalho informais. Nesse sentido, a informalidade tem sido capaz de se preservar, reproduzir, e, sobretudo, ser ressignificada pela ação dos empresários e por meio dos novos métodos de gestão empresarial, tais como os processos de terceirização e subcontratação da produção que, no contexto do Polo, encontram uma atmosfera favorável e fértil, devido à “naturalização” do trabalho informal. / This study analyzes the formalization of manufacturing industrial enterprises in the city of Caruaru. The region of Agreste Pernambucanoé's Clothing Complex is composed of several municipalities, including Caruaru, with a significant production of clothing articles. This productive cluster was formed during the 1950s, and its activities have been developing informally from the outset. However, since 1990, it has been undergoing increasing processes of modernization, industrialization and a growing overlap with the capitalist dynamic, attracting the action of the state and of the capital. One of the main changes is the tax regularization of productive plants. Considering this reality, we observe the industry formalization process: workshops which began operations predominantly in households with family and informal labor force and became confection factories. The research problem considers that historical and dominant informality, both of production units as of labor relations, is being reconfigured by the formalization process. The analysis mobilizes the conceptual discussion of informality, flexibility and precariousness. Considering that the flexibility of the production process and working relations has a current flexible capitalism paradigm, that the familiar, informal and precarious labor force is a historical and constitutional status of this region and that there is a growing movement of overlap with the capitalist dynamics whose formalization processes are an expression, we ask: what is the meaning of formalization? From the formalization of enterprises, that is constituted as (new) standard in terms of labor relations? The central theoretical debate revolves around the concept of informal processes, by Maria Cristina Cacciamali (2000, 2011), which serve as ground for the discussion of new informality, which has been developed mainly by Angela Maria Carneiro Araújo (2011), Maria da Graça Druck (2011a) and Roberto Véras de Oliveira (2011/b). The methodological base is composed of semi-structured interviews, observation of production and dealing sites and data collection on secondary sources. From the analysis of the process of industrial enterprises formalization and with the resumption of transformations that this production cluster has passed through, we considerer that a pattern of formalization is consolidating: institutional formalization that engenders informal labor relations. In this sense, informality has been able to preserve, reproduce, and, above all, be re-signified by the action of entrepreneurs and through new methods of business management, such as business process outsourcing and subcontracting production in the context of the Complex, and it also finds a favorable and fertile atmosphere due to the "naturalization" of informal work.

Este estudo analisa a formalização dos empreendimentos industriais de confecção na cidade de Caruaru. A região do Polo de Confecções do Agreste Pernambucano é composta por diversos municípios, entre eles Caruaru, com uma significativa produção de artigos de vestuário. Esse aglomerado produtivo começou a se formar ainda na década de 1950 e, desde a origem, a maior parte das atividades é desenvolvida de maneira informal. Contudo, a partir de 1990 o aglomerado vem passando por processos crescentes de modernização, industrialização e uma imbricação cada vez maior com a dinâmica capitalista, atraindo a ação do Estado e do capital. Uma das principais transformações é a regularização fiscal das unidades produtivas. Frente a esta realidade nossa problemática se volta para o processo de formalização da indústria: oficinas, que iniciaram suas atividades predominantemente em domicílios, com mão de obra familiar e informal, e se tornaram fábricas de confecção. O problema de pesquisa parte do pressuposto de que a informalidade histórica e dominante, tanto das unidades produtivas como das relações de trabalho, está sendo reconfigurada pelo processo de formalização. A análise mobiliza a discussão conceitual sobre informalidade, flexibilização e precariedade. Sendo a flexibilização do processo produtivo e das relações de trabalho uma condição do capitalismo flexível, sendo o trabalho familiar, informal e precário uma característica histórica e constitutiva desta região, existindo o crescente movimento de imbricação com a dinâmica capitalista de cujos processos de formalização são uma expressão, perguntamos: qual o significado da formalização? A partir da formalização dos empreendimentos, o que está se constituindo como (novo) padrão em termos de relações de trabalho? O debate teórico central gravita em torno do conceito de processos de informalização, de Maria Cristina Cacciamali (2000, 2011), que servem de terreno para a discussão acerca da nova informalidade, a qual tem sido desenvolvida, principalmente, por Angela Maria Carneiro Araújo (2011), Maria da Graça Druck (2011a) e Roberto Véras de Oliveira (2011 a/b). A base metodológica está composta por entrevistas semiestruturadas, observação dos locais de produção e comercialização e coleta de dados em fontes secundárias. A partir da análise do processo de formalização dos empreendimentos industriais, acompanhada da retomada das transformações por que tem passado este aglomerado produtivo, concluímos que está se consolidando um padrão de formalização: a formalização institucional que engendra relações de trabalho informais. Nesse sentido, a informalidade tem sido capaz de se preservar, reproduzir, e, sobretudo, ser ressignificada pela ação dos empresários e por meio dos novos métodos de gestão empresarial, tais como os processos de terceirização e subcontratação da produção que, no contexto do Polo, encontram uma atmosfera favorável e fértil, devido à “naturalização” do trabalho informal. / This study analyzes the formalization of manufacturing industrial enterprises in the city of Caruaru. The region of Agreste Pernambucanoé's Clothing Complex is composed of several municipalities, including Caruaru, with a significant production of clothing articles. This productive cluster was formed during the 1950s, and its activities have been developing informally from the outset. However, since 1990, it has been undergoing increasing processes of modernization, industrialization and a growing overlap with the capitalist dynamic, attracting the action of the state and of the capital. One of the main changes is the tax regularization of productive plants. Considering this reality, we observe the industry formalization process: workshops which began operations predominantly in households with family and informal labor force and became confection factories. The research problem considers that historical and dominant informality, both of production units as of labor relations, is being reconfigured by the formalization process. The analysis mobilizes the conceptual discussion of informality, flexibility and precariousness. Considering that the flexibility of the production process and working relations has a current flexible capitalism paradigm, that the familiar, informal and precarious labor force is a historical and constitutional status of this region and that there is a growing movement of overlap with the capitalist dynamics whose formalization processes are an expression, we ask: what is the meaning of formalization? From the formalization of enterprises, that is constituted as (new) standard in terms of labor relations? The central theoretical debate revolves around the concept of informal processes, by Maria Cristina Cacciamali (2000, 2011), which serve as ground for the discussion of new informality, which has been developed mainly by Angela Maria Carneiro Araújo (2011), Maria da Graça Druck (2011a) and Roberto Véras de Oliveira (2011/b). The methodological base is composed of semi-structured interviews, observation of production and dealing sites and data collection on secondary sources. From the analysis of the process of industrial enterprises formalization and with the resumption of transformations that this production cluster has passed through, we considerer that a pattern of formalization is consolidating: institutional formalization that engenders informal labor relations. In this sense, informality has been able to preserve, reproduce, and, above all, be re-signified by the action of entrepreneurs and through new methods of business management, such as business process outsourcing and subcontracting production in the context of the Complex, and it also finds a favorable and fertile atmosphere due to the "naturalization" of informal work.

Este estudo analisa a formalização dos empreendimentos industriais de confecção na cidade de Caruaru. A região do Polo de Confecções do Agreste Pernambucano é composta por diversos municípios, entre eles Caruaru, com uma significativa produção de artigos de vestuário. Esse aglomerado produtivo começou a se formar ainda na década de 1950 e, desde a origem, a maior parte das atividades é desenvolvida de maneira informal. Contudo, a partir de 1990 o aglomerado vem passando por processos crescentes de modernização, industrialização e uma imbricação cada vez maior com a dinâmica capitalista, atraindo a ação do Estado e do capital. Uma das principais transformações é a regularização fiscal das unidades produtivas. Frente a esta realidade nossa problemática se volta para o processo de formalização da indústria: oficinas, que iniciaram suas atividades predominantemente em domicílios, com mão de obra familiar e informal, e se tornaram fábricas de confecção. O problema de pesquisa parte do pressuposto de que a informalidade histórica e dominante, tanto das unidades produtivas como das relações de trabalho, está sendo reconfigurada pelo processo de formalização. A análise mobiliza a discussão conceitual sobre informalidade, flexibilização e precariedade. Sendo a flexibilização do processo produtivo e das relações de trabalho uma condição do capitalismo flexível, sendo o trabalho familiar, informal e precário uma característica histórica e constitutiva desta região, existindo o crescente movimento de imbricação com a dinâmica capitalista de cujos processos de formalização são uma expressão, perguntamos: qual o significado da formalização? A partir da formalização dos empreendimentos, o que está se constituindo como (novo) padrão em termos de relações de trabalho? O debate teórico central gravita em torno do conceito de processos de informalização, de Maria Cristina Cacciamali (2000, 2011), que servem de terreno para a discussão acerca da nova informalidade, a qual tem sido desenvolvida, principalmente, por Angela Maria Carneiro Araújo (2011), Maria da Graça Druck (2011a) e Roberto Véras de Oliveira (2011 a/b). A base metodológica está composta por entrevistas semiestruturadas, observação dos locais de produção e comercialização e coleta de dados em fontes secundárias. A partir da análise do processo de formalização dos empreendimentos industriais, acompanhada da retomada das transformações por que tem passado este aglomerado produtivo, concluímos que está se consolidando um padrão de formalização: a formalização institucional que engendra relações de trabalho informais. Nesse sentido, a informalidade tem sido capaz de se preservar, reproduzir, e, sobretudo, ser ressignificada pela ação dos empresários e por meio dos novos métodos de gestão empresarial, tais como os processos de terceirização e subcontratação da produção que, no contexto do Polo, encontram uma atmosfera favorável e fértil, devido à “naturalização” do trabalho informal. / This study analyzes the formalization of manufacturing industrial enterprises in the city of Caruaru. The region of Agreste Pernambucanoé's Clothing Complex is composed of several municipalities, including Caruaru, with a significant production of clothing articles. This productive cluster was formed during the 1950s, and its activities have been developing informally from the outset. However, since 1990, it has been undergoing increasing processes of modernization, industrialization and a growing overlap with the capitalist dynamic, attracting the action of the state and of the capital. One of the main changes is the tax regularization of productive plants. Considering this reality, we observe the industry formalization process: workshops which began operations predominantly in households with family and informal labor force and became confection factories. The research problem considers that historical and dominant informality, both of production units as of labor relations, is being reconfigured by the formalization process. The analysis mobilizes the conceptual discussion of informality, flexibility and precariousness. Considering that the flexibility of the production process and working relations has a current flexible capitalism paradigm, that the familiar, informal and precarious labor force is a historical and constitutional status of this region and that there is a growing movement of overlap with the capitalist dynamics whose formalization processes are an expression, we ask: what is the meaning of formalization? From the formalization of enterprises, that is constituted as (new) standard in terms of labor relations? The central theoretical debate revolves around the concept of informal processes, by Maria Cristina Cacciamali (2000, 2011), which serve as ground for the discussion of new informality, which has been developed mainly by Angela Maria Carneiro Araújo (2011), Maria da Graça Druck (2011a) and Roberto Véras de Oliveira (2011/b). The methodological base is composed of semi-structured interviews, observation of production and dealing sites and data collection on secondary sources. From the analysis of the process of industrial enterprises formalization and with the resumption of transformations that this production cluster has passed through, we considerer that a pattern of formalization is consolidating: institutional formalization that engenders informal labor relations. In this sense, informality has been able to preserve, reproduce, and, above all, be re-signified by the action of entrepreneurs and through new methods of business management, such as business process outsourcing and subcontracting production in the context of the Complex, and it also finds a favorable and fertile atmosphere due to the "naturalization" of informal work.

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