This project is an investigation into two pedagogic institutions - a school (for adults) and a museum (for temporary exhibitions) - and how they can interact, complement, and merge together in their common aim to educate society.  In the book Beyond Learning: Democratic Education for a Human Future, Gert J. J. Biesta (Professor of Education and Director of Research at Brunel University in London) presents an alternative view on education. He states that the aim of education is to create democratic citizens, which happens best through interaction with others. The educator’s responsibility is therefore to create rooms of otherness and difference, which eventually also becomes the responsibility of the architect.  As the goal is to expose different groups of people to each other, combining a school for adults and a museum should be positive. Especially since both groups visit the building with a similar mindset: to learn something. It is, however, then important that these two groups (the students and the museum visitors) also interact. Because of this, the flexibility of the building and the communication spaces becomes highly important, and became the origin of the building’s design. The plan arrangements are made to offer various possibilities of opening or closing walls in order to crate interesting paths for exhibitions throughout both communication spaces and classrooms. Depending on the situation, the building may transform between almost completely exhibition space and solely classrooms. This opens the opportunity for the school to exhibit their student’s work, and become more public, while the museum broadens its reach to people whom may not have visited the exhibition otherwise. / Det här projektet är en undersökning av två pedagogiska institutioner - en kommunal vuxenskola och ett museum - och hur de två kan interagera, komplettera och sammansmälta i deras gemensamma intresse att utbilda samhället. I boken Beyond Learning: Democratic Education for a Human Future, presenterar Gert J. J. Biesta (Professor i Education and Director of Research vid Brunel University in London) ett alternativt synsätt på utbildning. Han menar att utbildningens mål är att skapa demokratiska medborgare, vilket bäst sker genom interaktion med andra som är olika en själv. Utbildarens ansvar är därför att skapa sådana rum för möten av olikheter, vilket därmed också blir ansvaret för arkitekten. Eftersom att målet är att utsätta olika grupper av individer för varandra borde en kombinerad skola och museum vara positivt. Speciellt när båda grupperna skulle besöka byggnaden med liknande inställning: för att lära sig något. Det är däremot väldigt viktigt att dessa två grupper (skolans elever och museets besökare) också interagerar. På grund av det blir byggnadens kommunikationsytor extremt viktiga och var därför utgångspunkten för byggnadens utformning. Planlösningen är utformade för att skapa så många olika rumsligheter som möjligt, med hjälp av öppningsbara väggar. Detta skapar en flexibilitet och byggnaden kan anpassas för att skapa spännande utställningsytor såväl som välfungerande klassrum och kommunikationsytor mellan dem. Utefter efterfrågan kan byggnaden transformeras från nästan enbart utställningsytor till enbart utbildningsytor. Detta öppnar inte bara för att byggnaden kan användas nästan dygnet runt, utan också för en ny typ av skola. En skola där elever får utrymme att ställa ut sina arbeten för allmänheten och ett museum som kan nå ut till samhällsgrupper som annars kanske aldrig skulle besökt museet.

Architecture seeks to find harmony between pragmatics and poetics through phenomenological relationships of tectonics, placement, and culture. The choreography of these events, both physical and metaphysical,leads to a depth in the art of place making. The act of building in a certain way or attitude is read as aphorism – the statement imbedded in the physical existence of a construction is manifest in the way which its existence is made. We (civilization) make both out of physical need and desire,the question in art is whether our motive is purely physical or becomes spiritual. How is institution achieved? What defines place and how is it made? Does tradition bind us to the past or is it the freedom to inform the present and beyond ? / Master of Architecture

This is a case study that explores the ways in which implemented university reforms have affected employees in the higher educational sector. Previous research within the research field has mainly focused on policy related consequences of the reforms. This is why a study that brings attention to the ways the reforms have affected employees is sorely needed. The aim with the study is to examine whether there is a discrepancy between formal changes and the ways the employees experience them. The study is based on interviews with 8 lecturers from two universities and the material is analyzed mainly through sociological neo-institutional theories, such as Richard Scott’s theory of the three pillars within an informal institution and Helmke and Levintskys theory of the relationship between formal and informal institutions. The results show that there is a discrepancy between the formal changes and the ways employees perceive them. Furthermore the results also show that the employees are not fully satisfied with the outcomes of the changes.

Ce rapport personne-institution s’appuie sur une double notion : la personne humaine et le salut en Jésus-Christ. Le désir du salut dans l’histoire de l’Église a pris son essor dans l’anachorétisme pour s’épanouir dans le cénobitisme. Les grandes Règles monastiques ont mis au point tout une pédagogie spirituelle, à travers toute une législation où le rapport personne institution se révèle interactif et fécond pour la transformation spirituelle de la personne. La période qui va du Xe au XIIIe siècle, caractérisée par les grandes réformes monastiques de Cluny et de Cîteaux ainsi que l’émergence des Ordres mendiants a permis au rapport personne-institution de confirmer sa fiabilité même au creuset de l’épreuve que fut la Révolution de 1789. L’analyse du rapport personne-institution montre que la personne crée l’institution, lui donne sens et légitimité et l’institution favorise l’avènement de la personne comme être-en-relation, se construisant sans cesse par l’ouverture à l’altérité. / The relationship between the individual person and the religious institution is examined here all along the history of religious community life from the first cenobitc institution of saint Pacomus in the 4th century until the end of 18th century. The work is organised around two basic notions : the human person and salvation in Jesus Christ.With the apearance of monaticism, the notion of salvation clearly appears here in its objective, communal and universal dimension. The monastic reformation initiated in Cluny and Cîteaux, the appearance of the mendicant orders, and the French Revolution enabled the relation between the person and the institution to renew the meaning of religeous commitment. The analysis of the relationship person-institution shows that the person creates the institution, endowing it with meaning and legitimacy and that the institution works toward the advent of the human person seen as « a being in relation with » constantly developing by being open to otherness.

Notre société possède une vaste coulisse contenant nombre d’individus considérés comme improductifs, déviants, inadaptés. Un partie de cette coulisse a pour fonction de contenir ces individus, et de les maintenir, parfois une vie durant, à la périphérie de notre évolution sociétale, dans des espaces n’ayant qu’une porosité réduite voir nulle avec la matrice sociale de référence. Ce processus de maintien repose sur la logique de filière : institution pour enfants, puis pour adolescents, puis pour adultes travailleurs, puis maison de retraite adaptée. La stabilisation de cette population dans ces cantonnements se fabrique avec les effets pervers du fonctionnement institutionnel, et notamment avec la violence institutionnelle qui régule ce fonctionnement. Pour illustrer cette idée, et tenter de décortiquer cette violence (issue d’une commande utopique, d’une mission originellement impossible à mettre en place) qui entrave les rouages de tout établissement « spécialisé », notre travail de recherche propose de mettre en perspective cette violence institutionnelle, inhérente au fonctionnement d’un institut-médico-professionnel recevant des adolescents placés et orientés par les instances officielles pour « déficience intellectuelle légère ». Cette étude est une ethnographie de terrain, puisque la méthode de travail repose exclusivement sur une observation participante. L’auteur, endossant la mission d’instituteur spécialisé, a passé six ans dans la structure avec ce statut, avant de l’observer pendant deux autres années, consignant sur un carnet de bord des scènes de vie quotidienne se déroulant dans l’institution (salle de classe, couloirs, salle du personnel, salle de réunion, réfectoire, …), mais aussi à l’extérieur de l’institution (rue, espaces divers, …). Inspiré par la sociologie d’Erving Goffman, cette analyse institutionnelle qualifie la structure selon des concepts goffmaniens (institution totale, institution totalitaire), des concepts de l’école de Chicago réajustés (institution bâtarde), voire des concepts élaborés (institution stigmate). Nous proposons de démontrer comment la promiscuité entre les usagers, l’hétérogénéité de la population, la complexité de la mission confiée à l’institution, la sanction du placement institutionnel, et la condition du personnel fabriquent un ensemble complexe, inextricable, pathogène, bridant l’évolution du pensionnaire de l’institution médico-sociale, « l’ajustant » à la filière suivante, et le maintenant dans une coulisse sociale ne lui offrant pas de perspective échappatoire, ni de retour vers « la société mère ». / In our society there is a vast wing containing a number of individuals who are considered unproductive, abnormal or maladjusted. Part of its function is to contain and maintain these individuals, sometimes for an entire lifetime, on the edges of our society's evolution, in spaces, which have only limited or no contact with mainstream society. This process of maintenance follows a chain of logic: an institution for children, likewise for teenagers, then for working adults, then an adapted nursing home. The stabilisation of this population within this system, perversely, is facilitated by function of the institution, and in particular by the culture of institutional violence through which it is regulated. To illustrate this, and to try to analyse this form of violence, which derives from a utopian order, from a mission which is fundamentally impossible to implement, and which hinders the wheels of every 'specialised' establishment: the present research puts into perspective the institutional violence, inherent, as it is, in the operation of an institut-medico-professional (a state special needs training facility) which receives teenagers who have been placed there by officials for 'slight mental retardation'. This research is an insider-study, as the method of research derives exclusively from participatory-observation. The author spent six years working as a Special Needs Teacher inside the establishment studied; then, for a further two years, systematically recorded into his logbook scenes of daily life, which took place within this institution (e.g. in classrooms, corridors, the staff room, meeting rooms, the cafeteria). Inspired by the social theories of Erving Goffman, this institutional analysis describes the target in terms of Goffman's concepts of “Total Institutions”, adjusted concepts from the Chicago School (“Bastard Institutions”), and elaborated concepts of “Stigma Institution”. This research proposes to demonstrate how the proximity and heterogeneity of the inmates, the complexity of the mission entrusted to the institution, the sanction of institutionalising a child, and the working conditions of the staff, all have resulted in a combination which is complex, pathogenic and intractable. Thus it restrains the evolution of the inmates of the institut-medico-professional, it “adjusts” them to follow along within the system, and places them within a social wing, which offers them neither any perspective on how to escape, nor any path to return to the “mainstream society”.

Au sein de l'école élémentaire, les CLIS 1 sont des classes spécialisées qui accueillent des élèves porteurs de troubles des fonctions cognitives. Ces élèves doivent connaître des temps d'inclusion en classe ordinaire, alors nommée « classe d'inclusion ». Ma thèse s'intéresse à ce que disent les élèves de CLIS 1 de leur(s) place(s) dans l'école, à partir du concept de liminalité, tel qu'il a été défini par Murphy. Il Je postule que la CLIS est un lieu de la liminalité, permettant aux élèves de rester dans l'école sans les y inclure totalement.Je questionne la situation liminale des élèves de CLIS 1 par la dialectisation du statut, de la situation et de la place de la personne handicapée, dans une double perspective socio-historique et socio-clinique. La CLIS 1 peut être pensée comme un espace liminal, au regard de la définition du handicap mental et de ses différentes dénominations, de la perspective historique de la scolarisation des enfants en situation de handicap et de la politique actuelle qui revendique une volonté inclusive. A l'appui des cadres méthodologiques de l'analyse institutionnelle et de la sociologie de l'enfance, j'ai élaboré un dispositif de socio-clinique institutionnelle pour mener une réflexion collective avec les élèves de trois CLIS 1. Il ne s'agissait pas rechercher une adéquation des discours des élèves à la réalité observable, mais de confronter leurs représentations aux observations faites, de façon à analyser leur(s) place(s) au sein de l'institution scolaire.Mes données me conduisent à enrichir le cadre théorique initial. La liminalité des élèves de CLIS1 est une liminalité plurielle, qui dépend de facteurs sociaux, culturels, environnementaux, institutionnels, mais aussi individuels. La recherche a mis à jour le concept d'empan liminal, à savoir un processus dynamique qui se décline différentes situations liminales selon les temps d'inclusion en classe ordinaire de chaque élève. Mon travail empirique d'une part et théorique d'autre part me conduit à interroger les modalités de la mise en œuvre de la politique d'inclusion au sein de l'école élémentaire. / Within the French primary school, CLIS 1 are specialised classes which accept children with cognitive disabilities. These children should partake in inclusion times in regular classes, called "inclusion classes". My thesis focuses on what CLIS 1 students say about their place(s) in the school, from the perspective of liminality, as defined by Murphy. I suggest that the CLIS is a place of liminality, allowing children to stay at school without their total inclusion.I question the liminal status of students in CLIS 1, by discussing the situation and place of disabled children, from both socio-historical and socio-clinical perspectives. The CLIS 1 can be thought of as a liminal space, regarding the definition of mental disability and its various denominations, from the historical perspective of the education of disabled children and from the current policy which claims inclusive desire. In support of the methodological frameworks of institutional analysis and the sociology of childhood, I developed a socio-clinical institutional device to guide a collective reflection with the children of three CLIS 1. It did not seek to match children's reflections to observable reality, The aim was not to compare exactly what the children said to observable reality, but to express to the children the contradictions between what they say and my observations, to analyse their place in the school.My data lead me to enrich the initial theoretical framework. The liminality of the children in CLIS 1 is a plural liminality, which depends on social, cultural, environmental, institutional, as well as individual factors. The research has updated the concept of liminal span, which is a dynamic process that weakens different liminal situations according to the inclusion time in regular classes of each child. My empirical work as well as my theoretical work, has led me to question the methods of the implementation of the inclusion policy in primary school.

published_or_final_version / abstract / Politics and Public Administration / Master / Master of Philosophy

<p>Due to the globalization trend, the internationalization of small and medium enterprises (SMEs) has become a common practice in the last decades. The previous literature suggested that there are many different determinants of the internationalization process. However, in this research study, we focused on only three determinants – institutions, networks, and entrepreneur and their influence on the internationalization process. More specifically, we identified the significance of the three determinants and tested their influence on the internationalization process and compared the similarities and differences between the SMEs in Sweden and China. </p><p>A qualitative study was carried out to help determine the purpose of the paper, where data was collected through four case studies – two from each country, within the toy industry. The primary data was collected through personal phone-interviews with the CEOs of the four toy companies, complemented with secondary data collected from the companies’ web sites. </p><p>The empirical findings and analysis brought some interesting conclusions. The three determinants – institutions, networks and entrepreneur influence the internationalization process in one way or another. Firstly, institutions influence both networks and entrepreneur, but there is no evidence showing that networks and entrepreneur influence institutions. The institutions are also the key determinants of the internationalization process of Chinese SMEs. Secondly, networks and entrepreneur are interrelated to each other and play a key role in the internationalization process of Swedish SMEs, and somewhat influence the Chinese SMEs as well. </p><p>Thus, these three determinants are extremely important for the internationalization process and they have to be taken into consideration during the international expansion.</p>

La Nachbarschaft ou « institution de voisinage » est une forme d’entraide instituée pratiquée en Transylvanie/Roumanie depuis des siècles. Elle se réfère à une forme spécifique et organisée de relations de voisinage au sein des différents groupes ethniques roumain, tsigane, saxon ou hongrois. L’évolution de la cohabitation interethnique, la définition et les revendications des uns et des autres sont intimement liées à l’articulation des relations économiques, sociales, de pouvoir et d’autonomie à travers le temps. Les relations qualifiées aujourd’hui d’« interethniques » s’inscrivent dans un lent processus de cohabitation, à différentes échelles, dont les catégories ont perduré mais ont changé de signification au cours des siècles. Quelle est la place de cette institution vieille de plusieurs siècles dans la Roumanie actuelle, dite « en transition » depuis la chute du régime communiste? Les institutions de voisinage continuent-elles à combler un certain vide laissé par l’Etat ? Alors que la construction de la « société civile », terme clé de la littérature scientifique sur la transition des pays de l’Est, est un des processus jugés vitaux dans les années suivant la chute du mur, l’institution de voisinage n’a pas arrêté d’investir cet échelon de vie collective. Comment investit-elle cet espace d’échange entre unités domestiques, sur quoi est fondé cet échange ? Enfin, quelles sont les dynamiques qui l’animent et qui conditionnent sa transmission ?

Due to the globalization trend, the internationalization of small and medium enterprises (SMEs) has become a common practice in the last decades. The previous literature suggested that there are many different determinants of the internationalization process. However, in this research study, we focused on only three determinants – institutions, networks, and entrepreneur and their influence on the internationalization process. More specifically, we identified the significance of the three determinants and tested their influence on the internationalization process and compared the similarities and differences between the SMEs in Sweden and China. A qualitative study was carried out to help determine the purpose of the paper, where data was collected through four case studies – two from each country, within the toy industry. The primary data was collected through personal phone-interviews with the CEOs of the four toy companies, complemented with secondary data collected from the companies’ web sites. The empirical findings and analysis brought some interesting conclusions. The three determinants – institutions, networks and entrepreneur influence the internationalization process in one way or another. Firstly, institutions influence both networks and entrepreneur, but there is no evidence showing that networks and entrepreneur influence institutions. The institutions are also the key determinants of the internationalization process of Chinese SMEs. Secondly, networks and entrepreneur are interrelated to each other and play a key role in the internationalization process of Swedish SMEs, and somewhat influence the Chinese SMEs as well. Thus, these three determinants are extremely important for the internationalization process and they have to be taken into consideration during the international expansion.