This thesis builds upon the etiology of forced migration studies. It contributes to the field in three specific ways. First, by using a global database that is not limited to OECD countries; second, by observing the last twenty years, which is also the most migrant intense period in human history; third, by operationalizing human rights violations as an independent variable. I conduct statistical analyses using fixed effects least squares, on a pooled cross-sectional time-series data set, consisting of data from 175 countries for the years 1995–2014. My findings contradict two recent studies that have suggested that the reasons behind forced migration have changed since the end of the Cold War. Rather, the results of this study support the conclusion that threats against personal integrity causes people to leave their homes. International violence on the own nations territory as a threat to the personal integrity, civil violence as a threat to the personal integrity and dissident violence as a threat to the personal integrity all have statistical significant effects on refugee populations. I conclude the thesis by suggesting several areas that should be of great interest for further research.

The integration of Ukrainian Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in host communities is as multi-dimensional as the political crisis of 2014 that led to the displacement. Having made a difficult choice to let go of their past lives to escape from the constant shelling and instability of the self-proclaimed republics, IDPs hoped to find shelter and be accepted by their fellow countrymen. While many surveys claim that Ukrainians generally seem to have tolerant attitudes towards IDPs, the findings of my study strongly indicate that quite often IDPs normalize stigmatization they face. This study employed qualitative research methods and relied on twenty-eight semi-structured in-depth interviews with internally displaced students – a group not often studied by researchers. Each interview explored issues relating to the identities of IDPs and their juxtaposition (Ukrainian, resettler and regional identity). Similar to other studies based on qualitative strategies, this research has its limitations, stemming from difficulties to extract opinions that would not be tainted by the desire to fit into a particular narrative or match perceived expectations. While researchers can attempt to remain unbiased and be aware of their subconscious beliefs, we cannot be certain that what interviewees share with us is what they sincerely believe. Nevertheless, taking into account these limitations, qualitative studies are essential for understanding the experiences of Ukrainian IDPs. While more research is needed to get to the roots of the issues surrounding the unique challenges of IDPs’ integration, this thesis makes a step to analyze what causes stigmatization of Ukrainian IDPs, how IDPs choose to respond to the stigma, what kind of strategies they use to manage it, how they interact with locals in the host communities and what are the consequences of such stigmatization. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T14:27:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1461750 bytes, checksum: ab64dcbe19beb2ea8db8f0f1c81d90e5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis aims to analyze the international protection of human rights in the scope of International Institutions, based on a case study on their effectiveness in relation to internally displaced people in Colombia. It begins from the idea that the intrastate conflict wave, which emerged especially after the end of the Cold War, increased the complexity and persistence of forced migration that is particularly characterized by the flow of internal displacement. Within this conjuncture, the phenomenon of the internal displacement in Colombia is put in evidence, since the armed conflict that lingers in that territory for almost five decades contributed to make Colombia the State with the major number of displaced people in the world. In this opportunity, knowing that there is not a system or an international agency specifically focused on protecting those people, this study seeks to answer the central question: what are policies and issues in international protection in favor of internally displaced Colombians? Therefore, in a previous moment it discusses about the phenomenon of internal displacement in Colombia, emphasizing the causes and consequences of this problem; In sequence, it searches the instruments of the International Right that provide guarantees for the internally displaced people, and then it analyzes the performance of the International Institutions concerning to Colombian forced displacement, such as the protective ways in assistance to the internally displaced people in both national and international spheres. In general, the method of approach employed in this research is the deductive one, since it starts from wider perceptions of International Right and International Institutions to the study of the protection system in benefit to internally displaced people related to Colombian conjuncture. Face to those points, it is argued that the international protection to the internally displaced people in Colombia is limited and flawed due to the absence of consistent coordination and resources, and because of insufficient planning added to a selective and negligent performance. / A presente dissertação pretende analisar a proteção internacional dos direitos humanos, no campo de atuação das Instituições Internacionais, tendo como base um estudo de caso sobre a sua efetividade em relação aos deslocados internos na Colômbia. Assim, parte-se da ideia de que a onda de conflitos intraestatais, que emergiu especialmente após o final da Guerra Fria, acentuou o quadro de complexidade e persistência da migração forçada, configurada, em particular, pelo fluxo do deslocamento interno. Dentro dessa conjuntura, coloca-se em evidência o fenômeno do deslocamento interno na Colômbia, uma vez que o conflito armado, que perdura no território por quase cinco décadas, contribuiu para torná-la o Estado com a maior cifra de deslocados no mundo. Neste ensejo, sabendo que não há um regime ou uma agência internacional especificamente voltada à proteção destas pessoas, procura-se responder a questão central do nosso estudo: quais as políticas e os problemas na proteção internacional dos deslocados internos colombianos? Assim sendo, no primeiro momento, discute-se o tema relativo ao fenômeno do deslocamento interno na Colômbia, lançando luzes à discussão sobre as causas e consequências desta problemática; logo após, averígua-se os instrumentos do Direito Internacional que fornecem garantias aos deslocados, para só então analisar a atuação das Instituições Internacionais no tocante ao problema do deslocamento forçado colombiano e debater acerca das formas de proteção aos deslocados internos, nos âmbitos nacional e internacional. De forma geral, o método de abordagem empregado, nesta pesquisa, é o dedutivo, uma vez que parte-se de percepções mais abrangentes do direito internacional e das instituições internacionais para estudar o sistema de proteção aos deslocados internos a partir do estudo da conjuntura colombiana. Frente aos pontos levantados, sustenta-se que a proteção internacional aos deslocados internos na Colômbia é limitada e apresenta falhas, pela ausência de uma coordenação consistente, de recursos e planejamentos insuficientes e por ser seletiva e negligente.

This thesis analyzes how the interests of minority and majority groups in state-led development practices can be bridged, with the Indian tribals affected by the Sardar Sarovar Dam Project (SSP) serving as a context for my analysis. The SSP threatens the livelihoods of approximately 100,000 people with displacement, who are primarily comprised of Indian tribal minorities. The construction of the SSP makes tribals more vulnerable to the risks associated with development-induced displacement, such as landlessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalization, and food insecurity. When analyzing the SSP, a lack of adequate compensation, resettlement, and legal protection for the tribals becomes apparent. This has led to discussions of human rights violations among the national and international community, raising concerns regarding the protection of minority groups affected by state-led development. Attention is placed on what it means to be a citizen of a country in terms of legal representation and state protection, and how the under-representation of societal groups can lead to the creation of second-class citizens. The objective is to go beyond current discussions of human rights neglect in the context of the SSP by analyzing the position of minority rights in state-led development practices.

This thesis analyzes how the interests of minority and majority groups in state-led development practices can be bridged, with the Indian tribals affected by the Sardar Sarovar Dam Project (SSP) serving as a context for my analysis. The SSP threatens the livelihoods of approximately 100,000 people with displacement, who are primarily comprised of Indian tribal minorities. The construction of the SSP makes tribals more vulnerable to the risks associated with development-induced displacement, such as landlessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalization, and food insecurity. When analyzing the SSP, a lack of adequate compensation, resettlement, and legal protection for the tribals becomes apparent. This has led to discussions of human rights violations among the national and international community, raising concerns regarding the protection of minority groups affected by state-led development. Attention is placed on what it means to be a citizen of a country in terms of legal representation and state protection, and how the under-representation of societal groups can lead to the creation of second-class citizens. The objective is to go beyond current discussions of human rights neglect in the context of the SSP by analyzing the position of minority rights in state-led development practices.

This thesis analyzes how the interests of minority and majority groups in state-led development practices can be bridged, with the Indian tribals affected by the Sardar Sarovar Dam Project (SSP) serving as a context for my analysis. The SSP threatens the livelihoods of approximately 100,000 people with displacement, who are primarily comprised of Indian tribal minorities. The construction of the SSP makes tribals more vulnerable to the risks associated with development-induced displacement, such as landlessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalization, and food insecurity. When analyzing the SSP, a lack of adequate compensation, resettlement, and legal protection for the tribals becomes apparent. This has led to discussions of human rights violations among the national and international community, raising concerns regarding the protection of minority groups affected by state-led development. Attention is placed on what it means to be a citizen of a country in terms of legal representation and state protection, and how the under-representation of societal groups can lead to the creation of second-class citizens. The objective is to go beyond current discussions of human rights neglect in the context of the SSP by analyzing the position of minority rights in state-led development practices.

This thesis analyzes how the interests of minority and majority groups in state-led development practices can be bridged, with the Indian tribals affected by the Sardar Sarovar Dam Project (SSP) serving as a context for my analysis. The SSP threatens the livelihoods of approximately 100,000 people with displacement, who are primarily comprised of Indian tribal minorities. The construction of the SSP makes tribals more vulnerable to the risks associated with development-induced displacement, such as landlessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalization, and food insecurity. When analyzing the SSP, a lack of adequate compensation, resettlement, and legal protection for the tribals becomes apparent. This has led to discussions of human rights violations among the national and international community, raising concerns regarding the protection of minority groups affected by state-led development. Attention is placed on what it means to be a citizen of a country in terms of legal representation and state protection, and how the under-representation of societal groups can lead to the creation of second-class citizens. The objective is to go beyond current discussions of human rights neglect in the context of the SSP by analyzing the position of minority rights in state-led development practices.

Doctor Educationis / Sudan is one of the countries with a large number of people who move around the country for safety and better living conditions due to conflicts and the long-lasting war. These people are referred to as Internally Displaced People (IDPs), and most of them live in rural areas. The war in Sudan has led to socio-economic deterioration and has negatively affected social services such as health and education, particularly in the IDP camps. As a result, children's access to education and the quality of education remains a great concern. Educational challenges include poor infrastructure, lack of facilities and teaching-learning materials, overcrowding, and shortage of trained teachers. Illiteracy rates are higher among women, and drop-out rates are higher among girls. It is believed that traditional socio-cultural practices are barriers to girls' access to education in this country. In light of the above, this study investigates factors that contribute to girls' construction of educational aspirations in the IDP camps of North and South Sudan. The girls' educational aspirations are explored concerning gender empowerment discourses to gain an understanding of how gender empowerment is perceived and implemented by young females as they move between the school and home environments. It analyzes the impact of socio-cultural factors on girls' educational aspirations, perceptions, and self-esteem to understand the significance of education within a gender empowerment framework in the lives of young girls 10 disadvantaged communities of Sudan. Through the lens of the Capabilities Approach and various Feminist views, the study explores how gender discourses in education are understood, and the extent to which they contribute to building girls' opportunities and capacities in the local context. The study provides an analysis of the girls' opinions of themself and the influence of socio-cultural factors on their inspirational plans and expectations.

Inter-group social trust is one of the main elements for peacebuilding and, as a common feature of civil wars, Forced Internal Displacement is creating further complexities and challenges for post-war inter-group social trust. However, research revealed that among the internally displaced people, some tend to have a higher level of post-war inter-group trust compared to the other IDP. Surprisingly, an analysis based on this topic revealed that only a small number of studies are focusing on the condition of Internally Displaced People’s post-war intergroup social trust in the long run. This study examines the inter-group social trust of internally displaced people to provide a theoretical explanation for the following question; under what conditions the internally displaced people tend to trust more/less the conflicting party in the post-war context? With an examination of the social psychology research, this thesis argues that under the condition of postwar the IDP who have experienced continuous pre-war inter-group contact the post-war intergroup social trust will be stronger than the IDP who do not have such inter-group contact experience. The reason behind this expectation is the expected effect of inter-group contact on eliminating the prejudices and promoting the ‘collective knowledge’ regarding the war and displacement, thus promoting inter-group trust. This research is collected data from two groups of internally displaced people of Cyprus; IDP displaced from heterogeneous areas and homogenous areas, using the method of qualitative single case analysis. The findings show strong support for the expected causal relationship.

There is little solid research that explores counterinsurgency practices against the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), not only from the standpoint of what is being done, but, rather, what should be done based on past COIN successes. Notable works on counterinsurgency in Colombia include the research of Tom Marks, who focused on operational strategy and tactics; Kevin Self, who professes the importance of controlling territory in defeating the FARC, by addressing the social and institutional ills within Colombia itself; and Dennis Rempe, who notes US involvement in shaping Colombia's COIN strategy. Using a comparative case study model, this thesis provides an analysis of Colombia?s counterinsurgency (COIN) strategies and tactics through the lens of successful and unsuccessful COIN operations in Iraq, Algeria, Malaya, South Vietnam, Thailand, Algeria and El Salvador over the course of the 20th and early 21st centuries. After all, no matter how successful a COIN force is militarily, their accomplishments will ultimately be fruitless if the conditions which fuel insurgency remains present. This paper begins by providing the historical context for the conditions which shaped the Colombian social order, which led to the revolutionary movement. It then follows the growth of the FARC, examining that organization?s strengths and weaknesses. The FARC is contrasted by outlining recent COIN transformation efforts within the Colombian government, to include little acknowledged failures and successes, strengths and weaknesses. An important focus is placed on Colombian President Alvaro Uribe Velez? Democratic Security Policy as the model for Colombia?s current COIN efforts. After next examining various ongoing factors contributing to the Colombian insurgency?to include institutional failures, illicit funding and the problem of paramilitary groups?this thesis examines past COIN efforts by other governments. Finally, after applying lessons learned from thee past COIN efforts?cross-referencing historically successful and unsuccessful tactics with tactics used and not used by Bogota in its fight against the FARC?I provide recommendations to the government of Colombia (GOC) on how to improve its COIN efforts. Although it is important to look at this problem set from an external standpoint, we must still factor in internal factors that have limited Colombia?s ability to emerge victorious, such as allowing porous borders, airspace and coastlines; placing a priority on killing or capturing the enemy and not on engaging the population; and the primacy of military direction of counterinsurgency; disregard of basic human rights; an insufficient judiciary structure; failure to halt financial support mechanisms; and the lack of an outlet for political inclusion . From this vantage point, we will be able to see that these elements?when properly implemented?have proven successful over time and may enhance GOC success and ultimately result in victory over the insurgency that has plagued their country for 40+ years