In the thesis transformation of the international organizations will be analyzed. Nation-state foreign policy approach will be applied to the analysis, because international organizations are a peculiar kind of political systems. This leads to the general key research question: how and why do international organizations change? The methodological purpose of the thesis is too show the limits of existing scholarship on international organizations, because they neglect the external factors behind actual change within international organizations. The organizations NATO and the UN were chosen as cases. The UN from an international law point of view is undeniably the most important IO and the only truly system-wide IO; whereas NATO is seen by many as simply the strongest IO due to its combined military strength. In the thesis it will be argued that the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 served as an external shock and had an empirical effect on NATO and the UN. The main empirical aim of the analysis is to explore 9/11 effect upon two cases of IOs, namely the UN and NATO, in an attempt to gain better understanding of their transformation processes. The intention is also to explore the further effect of this change upon the security policy situation of small states. The research question of the thesis: how and why were the United Nations and North Atlantic Treaty Organization affected by the events of 9/11? Therefore the following tasks are set in the analysis: 1. to construct... [to full text] / Šioje analizėje nagrinėjami tarptautinių organizacijų transformacijos procesai. Tyrimo aspektas, kuriuo remiantis bus nagrinėjamos tarptautinės organizacijos yra pritaikytas iš valstybės užsienio politikos studijų. Šis tarptautinių organizacijų nagrinėjimo aspektas analizėje taikomas, kadangi kaip ir valstybės, tarptautinės organizacijos yra savitos politinės sistemos. Kaip jau minėta, tyrime nagrinėjami tarptautinių organizacijų kaitos procesai, todėl pagrindinė tyrimo problema – kaip ir kodėl tarptautinės organizacijos keičiasi. Šiuolaikiniai politikos mokslų tyrinėtojai analizuodami tarptautinių organizacijų kaitą yra linkę nagrinėti vidinę organizacijų dinamiką, t.y. veiksnius organizacijų viduje, sąlygojančius organizacijų pasikeitimus. Tokiu būdu yra pamirštama organizaciją supanti išorinė aplinka. Šioje analizėje dėmesys bus skiriamas išorinės aplinkos, t.y. išorinio šoko poveikio organizacijoms tyrimui. Tyrimo objektas - NATO ir Jungtinių Tautų (JTO) organizacijos. Analizei pasirinktos šios organizacijos, kadangi karine prasme NATO yra vertinama kaip stipriausia ir sėkmingiausia tarptautinė organizacija pasaulyje. Tuo tarpu JTO yra didžiausia tarptautinė bei vienintelė globali organizacija. Analizės tikslas - ištirti 2001 m. rugsėjo 11-osios teroro aktų JAV poveikį JTO ir NATO organizacijoms, išanalizuoti šio įvykio sąlygotus abiejų organizacijų pasikeitimų procesus ir ��ių pasikeitimų įtaką mažųjų valstybių saugumo politikos situacijai. Iš analizės tikslo kyla... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Informacinių technologijų, inovacijų ir besiformuojančių naujų socialinių struktūrų paskatinti globalizacijos procesai kasdien intensyvėja. Informacijos srautai tarsi sujungia pasaulį, ima formuotis bendri interasai tarp valstybių. Daugybė aktualių nacionalinių klausimų, vienoje ar kitoje šalyje, virsta globaliais. Šiandieninės problemos išsprūsta iš valstybinės galios ribų ir aplinkosaugos, saugumo, švietimo, skurdo klausimai tampa aktualūs visam pasauliui. Siekdamos užkirsti kelią ar surasti tam tikrų sprendimų, kaip intensyvėjančios globalios problemos galėtų būti suvaldytos, valstybės ima bendradarbiauti. Tokį bendradarbiavimą iliustruoja ne tik užsienio politikos plėtotė ar tarptautinių santykių vystymasis, bet ir tarptautinių organizacijų kūrimasis. Nors aukščiausios tarptautinės organizacijos valdymo institucijos numato organizacijos veiklos politiką, priima tam tikus tarptautinius standartus, o valstybės narės privalo nuolat jų laikytis, vis dėl to kiekviena šalis, priklausanti bet kuriai tarptautiniai organizacijai, gali siekti nacionalinių ir globalių interesų įgyvendinimo. Net ir maža politiškai bei ekonomiškai silpna valstybė gali apčiuopiamai prisidėti prie globalių problemų sprendimų. Tokia yra ir Lietuva. Priklausanti ne vienai tarptautiniai organizacijai, ši valstybė siekia ir nacionalinių ir globalių tikslų. Tokie tikslai įgyvendinami kruopščiai planuojant veiksmus, tiriant nuolat kintančią aplinką ir kuriant efektyvias komunikacines strategijas. Tarptautinių... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Summary Induced by information technologies, innovations and developing new social structures- globalization process increase every day. Information flows connects the world, starts to develop new mutual interests between countries. Many relevant national questions in one or another country become global. Today those problems slip from national power and so environmental, security, education, poverty questions becomes important for everyone. Actually countries start to collaborate by trying to stop or find certain decisions, how growing global problems could be controlled. That kind of collaboration illustrates not only development of foreign countries or increase of international relations, but also formation of international organizations. Although the authority institutions of all the highest international organizations plans the work politics, accepts certain international standards and member countries have to follow them and still every country that belongs to any international organization, can pursue national and global interest accomplishment. Even small politically and economically week countries can greatly contribute to solutions of global problems. Actually Lithuania is also that kind of country. Member of international organizations, this country pursue national and global goals. These goals can be accomplished by accurately planning actions, researching constantly changing environment and creating effective communication strategies. By applying actions and... [to full text]

International organizations (IOs) such as the United Nations Children’s Fund have immense power in influencing state agenda and policies in issues in health such as advocating micronutrient interventions in developing countries. Scholarly literature classifies IOs as “norm entrepreneurs” who can alter state behavior through many forms of rhetoric. The theoretical model, constructivism, notes that IOs are autonomous actors in their decision-making who use states as tools to pursue their own interests. Thus, how do these IOs succeed in sustaining malnutrition-related interventions and programs in Kenya? In this thesis, I argue that IOs can effectively improve malnutrition outcomes by improving the allocation and accessibility of nutritional resources and services, setting an institutional framework for implementing and sustaining programs at hand, and fostering the operation of tools that will assist interventions to scale-up to national nutrition policies. To accomplish this, specific IOs possess external effects such as political will, strong funding, and a multi-sectoral nutrition approach, and multilateral IOs have internal factors such as authority, autonomy, and are able to find opportunities in uncertain situations. I also argue that IOs presented in this paper have made limited strides in reducing aggregate malnutrition rates of stunting, wasting and underweight in Kenya. I ground my analysis on constructivism to understand IO behavior towards malnutrition interventions for children under five in Kenya.

In 2009, Honduras was affected by a military coup, where the former president Manuel Zelaya was deposed. The coup was supported by the National Congress and the Supreme Court, with the arguments that the action was a necessary act for defending and maintaining the democracy in the country. It is therefore interesting to see what type of regime that has emerged afterwards. The study is analysed by Robert Dahl´s theory about polyarchy and Joakim Ekman´s theory about hybrid regimes since Honduras shows tendencies towards both types of regimes in the present state. The study has three different perspectives regarding the empirical data to obtain a comprehensive picture as possible of what kind of regime that Honduras is considered to be today. The material consists of the national constitution to get a glimpse of the formal aspects of the political shape in the country as well as reports provided by international organizations to get the view from the outside world but the primary material is from interviews with people determined important by the positions in the Honduran civil society. The results display that Honduras has significant democratic elements; free elections and a constitution that recognizes the basic liberties, which according to Dahl meets up with the criteria of a democratic polyarchy. However, the lack of accountability for government institutions, corruption and violations against freedom of speech - where the most affected groups are journalists, human right defenders and indigenous people, indicates that Honduras have more similarities to that what Joakim Ekman refers to as a hybrid regime.

The world faces many complex and difficult problems at the global level – problems that are increasingly recognised as requiring political as much as technical solutions. While such issues are often taken to concern, in broad terms, global governance, more specifically, the political aspects of such governance are fundamentally linked to interactions between the United Nations system and the power exercised by the United States of America (US). One important and distinctive arena within which these interactions can be viewed is the international food aid regime, and its central organisation, the World Food Programme (WFP) - an area lacking in concerted political science study in recent years. This thesis is concerned with the role of the US in shaping the legitimacy of the WFP within the institutional context of the international food aid regime. Legitimacy is defined as deriving from the three elements of inclusion, accountability and effectiveness. The WFP and international regime are, it is argued, well respected, relatively effective, and enjoy high levels of legitimacy. At a micro level there are many specific historical and localised factors resulting in this legitimacy; at the macro level many of these factors can be linked to the interaction of norms and interests between the US and the regime. / In particular, the regime’s development and success has been closely related to both a congruence between the US domestic feed-the-hungry norm and the regime’s international feed-the-hungry norm, and a process of divergence between those norms. It is this normative interplay that has enabled US power to be deployed and constrained in a manner resulting in high levels of legitimacy for the WFP. While in many respects this has limited WFP’s capacity to do more with the problem of global hunger than merely ameliorate it, the nature of the problem is much bigger than the capacities of any single operational agency of the United Nations.

Diss. Stockholm : Stockholms universitet, 2007.

Thesis (M.A.)--Carleton University, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 146-152). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

The Responsiblity of International Organizations - Abstract The subject of this thesis is the responsibility of international organizations as a consequence of internationally wrongful acts, as a manifestation of international personality, and as the subject-matter of official and unofficial codification. This thesis defines the international organization as an intergovernmental organization, discusses the character of its international personality (universal and particular) and explains the legal nature of international responsibility, including the main differences between the responsibility of States and international organizations. The thesis then focuses on responsibility of international organizations in various branches of international public law - it discusses questions of contractual and tort liability, of attribution in UN peacekeeping missions, and of the rights of individuals to due process when dealing with responsibility of international organizations. The following is an analysis of the importance of codification of international law and the contribution of non-official codification activities for the work of the International Law Commission as the main codification organ of the United Nations. Draft articles on the Responsibility of International Organizations, which was, together with the...

303f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-11T19:57:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Mariella Vieiraseg.pdf: 2548489 bytes, checksum: d251f7ee4da3d49fc92c67acdf53925b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Alice Ribeiro(malice@ufba.br) on 2013-05-07T14:27:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Mariella Vieiraseg.pdf: 2548489 bytes, checksum: d251f7ee4da3d49fc92c67acdf53925b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-07T14:27:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Mariella Vieiraseg.pdf: 2548489 bytes, checksum: d251f7ee4da3d49fc92c67acdf53925b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / A esfera cultural vem se tornando uma instância protagonista de legitimação e visibilidade das práticas sociais na contemporaneidade. Sua ascensão é fruto de um concurso de fatores possibilitados por um contexto sócio-histórico no qual temas relativos às questões de identidade e diferença ganham visibilidade acentuada. Parte-se aqui da hipótese de que instituições como a Unesco vem contribuindo para elevar o tema da cultura a uma pauta importante para a agenda política internacional. O objetivo dessa tese foi o de investigar o papel Unesco enquanto narradora de categorias de compreensão social (acerca da noção de cultura e seus imediatos corolários, a exemplo da idéia de diversidade cultural) que acabam por orientar práticas e saberes dos agentes implicados na esfera cultural. Optou-se por tomar os bastidores da elaboração da Convenção da Unesco sobre a Promoção e a Proteção da Diversidade das Expressões Culturais como caminho empírico para ilustrar a problemática eleita pela pesquisa. Amparando-se no modelo analítico das configurações do sociólogo Norbert Elias, buscou-se mapear a complexa trama de interdependências que se forjou em torno da formulação do referido tratado de modo a compreender as vicissitudes do processo (identificação de atores sociais, lutas por definição de sentido, enfim, as disputas de poder inerentes ao processo) que resultaram na cosmologia presente no texto da convenção. / Salvador

Why have states requested international authorization for their projections of military force more after 1989? One perspective suggests powerful states should not make such requests. Rather, they should look to their own power instead of international organizations. Another view suggests international authorization is a way to provide credible signals about state intentions. A third perspective suggests states view international authorization of military force as appropriate. I establish that states have changed their behavior, requesting international authorization more often after 1989. Then, I develop hypotheses involving material power, burden-sharing, informational signaling, and international norms. I assess their ability to explain the increase in authorization requests through evidence from over 150 military force projections by a wide range of states and through a detailed evaluation of United States behavior. The U.S. provides a strong test case for the theories evaluated, since powerful states should be least susceptible to pressures for requesting authorization, and yet it does so more frequently after 1989. I find the expectation that states should request international authorization emerged after the U.S. set a precedent during the Persian Gulf War. The end of the Cold War changed the perceived "viability" of different strategies for projecting military force for U.S. policy-makers. Requesting authorization from the UN became a plausible alternative. The decision to request international authorization--and the justifications U.S. decision makers offered for doing so--led to the expectation by other states that the U.S. would do so for future projections of military force. This international norm helps explain the politics of international authorization for the airstrikes on Iraq (1998), the Iraq War (2003) and the Libyan intervention (2011). The response of other countries to the Clinton Administration's failure to request authorization for airstrikes on Iraq in 1998 demonstrates that expectations regarding whether the U.S. should request authorization had shifted. The subsequent consolidation of the norm helps explain the requests for authorization by the Bush Administration for the Iraq War in 2003 and by the Obama Administration for Libya in 2011. The dissertation increases our understanding of the relationship, and the role of authority, between states and international organizations.