This study discusses the work of women in the Civil State of Rio Grande do Sul Police, from the perspective of decent work criteria of the International Labour Organization. The research is affection to the field of sustainability, social, related to corporate social responsibility, in search of the necessary sustainable public management. The research question is related to the corporate environment and the care of vectors proposed by the ILO related to freedom, equality, fairness and dignity. The general objective was environmental analysis for women, based on decent work criteria. The theoretical framework deals with labor and public safety, divided into topics on sustainability, decent work, women's work, Civil Police and the Rio Grande do Sul Police. Data collection was carried out from various sources of evidence, making himself use of primary and secondary data. The study is qualitative, from an observation script and a flexible instrument made with open questions. The note took into account aspects of building, vehicles, staff and working conditions. In addition to observation, primary data were collected through interviews with ten delegates and police servants, and secondary data from documents. The interpretation was performed using content analysis procedure. The main results show that the Civil Police of RS incorporates a larger system of public security and is responsible for criminal investigation, among other functions. The woman went on to win opportunity from the 1970s and now occupies a prominent place, on par with men, despite some evidence of limited opportunities. The general perception is disagreement with the ILO indicators are excepting-criteria related to security and social dialogue, as well as stability and income, which were considered fully or partially met. In the other points there is no adaptation of police work to the vectors of the ILO, especially security, equality, opportunities, conciliation and working hours. The study brought as a result the transformation of empirical findings on scientific evidence able to assist the understanding of police work, especially the work of women. Also it provided notice of police work by the scientific perspective, increasing the need for new studies to broaden the understanding of the issue and contribute to more focused management strategies on sustainability by the bias of social responsibility. / Este estudo aborda o trabalho da mulher na Polícia Civil do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, sob a ótica dos critérios do Trabalho Decente da Organização Internacional do Trabalho. A pesquisa encontra-se afeto ao campo da sustentabilidade, na vertente social, relacionada à responsabilidade social corporativa, em busca da necessária gestão pública sustentável. A questão de pesquisa está relacionada com o ambiente corporativo e o atendimento dos vetores propostos pela OIT, relacionados à liberdade, igualdade, equidade e dignidade. O objetivo geral foi a análise do ambiente para as mulheres, com base nos critérios do trabalho decente. O referencial teórico trata de trabalho e segurança pública, subdividido em tópicos sobre sustentabilidade, trabalho decente, trabalho da mulher, Polícia Civil e Polícia do Rio Grande do Sul. A coleta de dados foi realizada a partir de diversas fontes de evidência, fazendo-se uso de dados primários e secundários. O estudo tem natureza qualitativa, a partir de um roteiro de observação e um instrumento flexível composto com perguntas abertas. A observação levou em conta aspectos relativos a prédio, viaturas, funcionários e condições de trabalho. Além da observação, os dados primários foram coletados por meio de dez entrevistas com delegadas e servidoras policiais, e os dados secundários a partir de documentos. A interpretação foi realizada utilizando-se procedimento de análise de conteúdo. Os principais resultados revelam que a Polícia Civil do RS integra um sistema maior de segurança, responsável pela investigação criminal, dentre outras funções. A mulher passou a ganhar oportunidade a partir da década de 1970 e hoje ocupa lugar destacado, em paridade com os homens, não obstante algumas evidências de limitação de oportunidades. A percepção geral é de desconformidade com os indicadores da OIT, ressalvando-se os critérios ligados à seguridade e diálogo social, bem assim estabilidade e rendimentos, que foram considerados total ou parcialmente atendidos. Nos demais pontos não há adequação do trabalho policial aos vetores da OIT, especialmente segurança, igualdade, oportunidades, conciliação e jornada de trabalho. O estudo trouxe como resultados a transformação de achados empíricos em evidências científicas aptas a auxiliar a compreensão do trabalho policial, em especial o trabalho da mulher. Proporcionou também a observação do trabalho policial pela ótica científica, potencializando a realização de novos estudos com vista a alargar a compreensão sobre a temática e contribuir para estratégias de gestão mais focadas na sustentabilidade pelo viés da responsabilidade social.

L’objectif de cette étude consiste à déterminer si les conventions de l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) sont effectives en ce qui concerne l’éradication du travail des enfants en Mauritanie. Cette effectivité est appréciée en mesurant la réception juridique et la réception sociale en Mauritanie de la Convention 29 sur le travail forcé, de la Convention 138 sur l’âge minimum d’admission à l’emploi et de la Convention 182 sur les pires formes de travail des enfants. La réception juridique des conventions est mesurée par un examen de l’intégration de leurs dispositions dans le droit national mauritanien. La réception juridique comprend également l’appréciation du contrôle du respect des conventions en territoire mauritanien. La réception sociale fait référence, quant à elle, aux stratégies de mise en œuvre des conventions de l’OIT par le Gouvernement mauritanien à travers ses programmes et ses politiques. Notre analyse démontre que l’effectivité des Conventions 29, 138 et 182 de l’OIT en ce qui concerne l’éradication du travail des enfants en Mauritanie est, selon nous, partielle. Dans l’ensemble, la situation tend à s’améliorer et le Gouvernement mauritanien tente de respecter l’esprit de ces conventions et de leur faire écho dans le droit national. Toutefois, il n’existe pas beaucoup d’information sur l’impact des programmes mis en place pour éradiquer le travail des enfants. / The objective of this study is to determine whether the International Labour Organization (ILO) conventions are effective in the eradication of child labour in Mauritania. Such effectivity is assessed by measuring the legal reception and the social reception in Mauritania of the Convention 29 on Forced Labour, the Convention 138 on Minimum Age for Admission to Employment, and the Convention 182 on the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour. The legal reception is measured by a review of the integration of their provisions into Mauritanian law. The legal reception also includes the assessment of the monitoring of compliance with the conventions in Mauritania. The social reception refers, for its part, to the strategies taken by the Mauritanian government to implement ILO Conventions, notably through its programs and policies. Our analysis shows that the effectivity of Conventions 29, 138 and 182 regarding the eradication of child labour in Mauritania are, in our view, partial. Overall, the situation is improving and the Mauritanian government tries to respect the spirit of these conventions and incorporate them in the national law. However, there is not much information available on the impact of the programs in place to eradicate child labour.

L’objectif de cette étude consiste à déterminer si les conventions de l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) sont effectives en ce qui concerne l’éradication du travail des enfants en Mauritanie. Cette effectivité est appréciée en mesurant la réception juridique et la réception sociale en Mauritanie de la Convention 29 sur le travail forcé, de la Convention 138 sur l’âge minimum d’admission à l’emploi et de la Convention 182 sur les pires formes de travail des enfants. La réception juridique des conventions est mesurée par un examen de l’intégration de leurs dispositions dans le droit national mauritanien. La réception juridique comprend également l’appréciation du contrôle du respect des conventions en territoire mauritanien. La réception sociale fait référence, quant à elle, aux stratégies de mise en œuvre des conventions de l’OIT par le Gouvernement mauritanien à travers ses programmes et ses politiques. Notre analyse démontre que l’effectivité des Conventions 29, 138 et 182 de l’OIT en ce qui concerne l’éradication du travail des enfants en Mauritanie est, selon nous, partielle. Dans l’ensemble, la situation tend à s’améliorer et le Gouvernement mauritanien tente de respecter l’esprit de ces conventions et de leur faire écho dans le droit national. Toutefois, il n’existe pas beaucoup d’information sur l’impact des programmes mis en place pour éradiquer le travail des enfants. / The objective of this study is to determine whether the International Labour Organization (ILO) conventions are effective in the eradication of child labour in Mauritania. Such effectivity is assessed by measuring the legal reception and the social reception in Mauritania of the Convention 29 on Forced Labour, the Convention 138 on Minimum Age for Admission to Employment, and the Convention 182 on the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour. The legal reception is measured by a review of the integration of their provisions into Mauritanian law. The legal reception also includes the assessment of the monitoring of compliance with the conventions in Mauritania. The social reception refers, for its part, to the strategies taken by the Mauritanian government to implement ILO Conventions, notably through its programs and policies. Our analysis shows that the effectivity of Conventions 29, 138 and 182 regarding the eradication of child labour in Mauritania are, in our view, partial. Overall, the situation is improving and the Mauritanian government tries to respect the spirit of these conventions and incorporate them in the national law. However, there is not much information available on the impact of the programs in place to eradicate child labour.

Magister Legum - LLM / In this mini-thesis, I will present a historical development of the manner in which South African courts have tested the fairness of dismissals, for misconduct. South African Labour history has been marred by confusion and inconsistency in relation to the test to be adopted in determining the fairness of dismissals. This has been so, because there have been two dominant schools of thought, one referred to as the ‘own opinion’ approach, whereby the commissioner/court has the discretion to express his/her own view based upon value judgments on the fairness of the dismissal. The other approach is known as the reasonable employer test ( ‘ defer to the employer’ approach), whereby the commissioner had to defer to the decision of the employer, unless the dismissal is one that no reasonable employer would impose, or is so excessive that it would shock one’s sense of fairness, then the commissioner may interfere.This thesis will reveal the inconsistency that has been caused, by these two approaches, and the South African courts dissent as to the approach consistent with our law. This dissent, as shall be shown in this thesis, has led to our courts contradicting themselves as to the test consistent with the law.There will be a critical discussion on the source of the reasonable employer test and its application in South Africa during the Labour Relations Act 28 of 1956 ( old LRA ) and the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 ( new LRA). With a further discourse on the development of the ‘own opinion’ approach during the periods of both the old LRA and the new LRA.This will lead to me looking at the provisions of the South African Constitution, together with the meaning of the right to fair labour practice as provided in the Constitution. Based upon a critical analysis of past jurisprudence, the provisions of the ILO Convention, the provisions of the old LRA and new LRA, foreign law and the Constitutional imperatives, I will attempt to illustrate the approach most consistent with our law.This thesis will culminate with a critical analysis of the Supreme Court of Appeal’s judgment, in the case of Rustenburg Platinum Mines Ltd vs Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration and the ruling of the Constitutional court in Sidumo and Another v Rustenburg Platinum Mines Ltd and Others.The purpose of providing this historical journey, is to further highlight the rulings of past judgments, that have developed the concept of fairness, as was consistent with the Constitution. It is envisaged that the body of judgments cited in this thesis, may be used as authority, whenever the issue of determining the fairness of dismissal for misconduct arises, before a court or tribunal, such as the Commission for Conciliation Mediation and Arbitration(CCMA). It is may further be used by employers and employees, in obtaining clarity of the law in relation to the test for fairness of dismissals for misconduct.

L’année 1919 a été décisive dans l’histoire sociale. En effet, elle fut marquée par la création de l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT), issue de la partie XIII du traité de Versailles. Cette institution à vocation universelle se plaçait dans la continuité d'expérimentations et de réflexions menées, depuis le XIXe siècle, sur le Vieux Continent. L’objectif des puissances européennes était de définir un cadre international de règles, communes aux Etats, pour empêcher à la fois les excès de certains patrons, les conflits avec les travailleurs, tout en combattant la pratique du dumping social et en garantissant une concurrence loyale, non seulement entre eux mais aussi à l’échelle internationale. La France joua un rôle majeur dans la rédaction de ces textes et dans la création de l’OIT, chargée de poursuivre ce travail. De ce fait, cette institution dut concilier l’européocentrisme dominant le BIT et sa vocation universelle. La solution apparut, durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, à travers l’interrégionalisme développé par Paul van Zeeland, et que l’institution tenta de mettre en œuvre durant l’après-guerre et la guerre froide. Il s’agissait de créer des regroupements régionaux et de les faire coopérer dans les domaines politique, économique et social pour garantir la paix dans le monde ; l’Europe occidentale devait en être le laboratoire. Cette région, notamment la France, influença donc durablement les réflexions de l’OIT. / The year 1919 was decisive in the social history. Indeed, it was marked by the creation of the International Labour Organization (ILO), resulting from part XIII of the treaty of Versailles. This institution with universal vocation placed itself in continuity of experiments and of carried out reflections, since the 19th century, on the Old continent. The objective of the European powers was to define an international framework of common rules for States, to prevent at the same time excesses of some managers, the conflicts with the workers, while fighting the practice of the social dumping and guaranteeing a fair competition, not only between them but also on an international scale. France played a major role in the writing of these texts and the creation of the ILO, charged to continue this work. So this institution had to reconcile the europeocentrism dominating the International Labour Office and its universal vocation. The solution appeared, during the Second World War, through the interregionalism developed by Paul van Zeeland, and that the institution tried to implement during the post-war period and the cold war. It was a question of creating regional regroupings and of making them cooperate in the policy fields, economic and social to guarantee peace in the world; Western Europe had to be the laboratory about it. This region, in particular France, thus influenced durably the reflections of the ILO.

Magister Legum - LLM / In this paper I delve into the connection between trade policy and labour rights as probably one of the most controversial issues, which the international trading system is faced with today. Labour laws differ from country to country and of course it is a cause for concern where some countries have higher standards than others, it becomes problematic for these countries with high standards to compete with countries with lower standards. Even though there is a definite link between trade and labour, my argument is that incorporating labour standards into the international trading system is not the best way forward to deal with the problem of abuse of labour standards. I further investigate the two organizations at the forefront of this debate, being the WTO and the ILO. In an attempt to ascertain which of the two is the best forum to deal with the issue I further look at the relationship between these two organizations. Compliance with international labour standards is a growing concern as worldwide standards are deteriorating and nothing is being done to alleviate the problem. Accordingly, I explore the causes for the abuse of labour standards and seek to find the better alternative, by looking at the respective positions of the parties who are for and against the linkage of trade with labour standards. Here the views and concerns of the developed world are weighed up against those of the developing world and looking at possible alternatives concludes the paper. / South Africa

De l’avis de nombreux observateurs, le monde a connu en 2008 une crise économique sans précédent depuis la Grande dépression des années trente. Au premier chef des victimes de ces dérives de l’économie globale figurent les travailleurs du monde entier. Investie depuis 1919 d’un mandat de protection à l’égard de ces derniers, l’Organisation internationale du Travail (OIT) se doit d’être une force de propositions en ces périodes difficiles. La présente étude se propose d’analyser l’évolution des réponses normatives produites par l’OIT au lendemain des crises économiques et financières mondiales depuis sa création. Il s’agira également de mettre en corrélation le degré d’audace de l’Organisation et la composition de la scène internationale qui préside à chacune des époques considérées. Le premier chapitre sera pour nous l’occasion de montrer comment l’OIT, née dans un contexte de crise économique dans les années vingt puis confrontée en 1930 à une autre crise majeure, a su tirer profit de ces situations qui confirment sa raison d’être et la pousse à s’enquérir de nouvelles compétences (chapitre I). Nous ferons ensuite étape dans une époque marquée par la prolifération de nouvelles organisations internationales avec lesquelles l’OIT entre en concurrence : l’ère onusienne. Nous verrons comment la position de l’Organisation sur la scène internationale influe sur sa réactivité face aux crises économiques et politiques du moment (chapitre II). Forts de ces considérations historiques, nous serons enfin à même de comprendre la souplesse normative caractérisant la réaction de l’OIT face à la crise de 2008. Nous serons également en mesure de comprendre comment cette crise historique a modifié l’ordre mondial et influé sur la position de l’Organisation dans l’agencement international (chapitre III). / In the opinion of many observers, the world witnessed in 2008 an unprecedented economic crisis since the Great Depression of the thirties. The primary victims of these gobal economic breakdowns are the workers of the world. Invested since 1919 to a term of protection with respect to the latter, the International Labour Organization (ILO) has to be a vector for proposals in these difficult times. This study aims to analyze the evolution of the normative responses produced by the ILO in the wake of global economic and financial crises since its inception. It will also correlate the Organization's degree of boldness and the composition of the international picture in place over each period considered. The first chapter will give us the opportunity to show how the ILO, born in a context of economic crisis in the twenties and then facing another major crisis in 1930, has taken advantage of these situations to confirm its raison d'être and has been driven to inquire about new competencies (chapter I). We will then step in an era marked by the proliferation of new international organizations with which the ILO is in competition: the UN era. We will see how the Organization's position on the international scene affects its responsiveness to economic and political crises of the moment (chapter II). Instructed on these historical considerations, we will finally be able to understand the normative flexibility characterizing the ILO's response to the 2008 crisis. We will also be able to understand how this historic crisis has changed the world order and has affected the Organization's position in the international layout (chapter III).

Le travail domestique est une des formes d’emploi les plus anciennes au monde. Au Brésil, ce type de service tire son origine de l’esclavage, technique d’exploitation économique qui a marqué l’histoire du pays durant environ 400 (quatre cents) ans. Encore au XXIème siècle, le travail domestique est sous-évalué et peine à être reconnu comme un vrai travail. La législation nationale a progressé au point de reconnaitre aux employés de maison les mêmes droits dont jouissent les autres salariés (amendement constitutionnel, 2013). Le droit international du travail joue un rôle crucial dans l’encadrement de la situation des travailleuses domestiques au monde. La Convention concernant le travail décent pour les travailleurs et travailleuses domestiques (n° 189) et la Recommandation n° 201 l’accompagnant de l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) occupent une place importante dans la promotion du travail décent aux travailleurs domestiques. Malgré l’existence de normes – nationales et internationales – importantes, la problématique de la condition de travail et de vie des travailleuses domestiques au Brésil va au-delà de la législation, impliquant la notion culturelle de dévalorisation du travail domestique, cette même conception qui associe le travail à domicile à l’esclavage. / Domestic work is one of the oldest forms of employment in the world. In Brazil, this type of service has its roots in slavery, an economic exploitation technique that has marked the history of the country for about 400 (four hundred) years. Even in the XXI century, domestic work is undervalued and barely recognized as a real job. National legislation has progressed to the point of recognizing domestic workers the same rights enjoyed by other employees (Constitutional Amendment, 2013). The International labor law has a crucial importance in the supervision of the situation of domestic workers in the world. The Convention Concerning Decent Work for Domestic Workers (n° 189) and the Recommendation n° 201 of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) play a key role in promoting decent work for domestic workers. Despite the existence of relevant national and international standards, the matter of working and living conditions of domestic workers in Brazil goes beyond the legislation because it involves the notion of cultural devaluation of domestic work, the same idea that associates home work to slavery.

De l’avis de nombreux observateurs, le monde a connu en 2008 une crise économique sans précédent depuis la Grande dépression des années trente. Au premier chef des victimes de ces dérives de l’économie globale figurent les travailleurs du monde entier. Investie depuis 1919 d’un mandat de protection à l’égard de ces derniers, l’Organisation internationale du Travail (OIT) se doit d’être une force de propositions en ces périodes difficiles. La présente étude se propose d’analyser l’évolution des réponses normatives produites par l’OIT au lendemain des crises économiques et financières mondiales depuis sa création. Il s’agira également de mettre en corrélation le degré d’audace de l’Organisation et la composition de la scène internationale qui préside à chacune des époques considérées. Le premier chapitre sera pour nous l’occasion de montrer comment l’OIT, née dans un contexte de crise économique dans les années vingt puis confrontée en 1930 à une autre crise majeure, a su tirer profit de ces situations qui confirment sa raison d’être et la pousse à s’enquérir de nouvelles compétences (chapitre I). Nous ferons ensuite étape dans une époque marquée par la prolifération de nouvelles organisations internationales avec lesquelles l’OIT entre en concurrence : l’ère onusienne. Nous verrons comment la position de l’Organisation sur la scène internationale influe sur sa réactivité face aux crises économiques et politiques du moment (chapitre II). Forts de ces considérations historiques, nous serons enfin à même de comprendre la souplesse normative caractérisant la réaction de l’OIT face à la crise de 2008. Nous serons également en mesure de comprendre comment cette crise historique a modifié l’ordre mondial et influé sur la position de l’Organisation dans l’agencement international (chapitre III). / In the opinion of many observers, the world witnessed in 2008 an unprecedented economic crisis since the Great Depression of the thirties. The primary victims of these gobal economic breakdowns are the workers of the world. Invested since 1919 to a term of protection with respect to the latter, the International Labour Organization (ILO) has to be a vector for proposals in these difficult times. This study aims to analyze the evolution of the normative responses produced by the ILO in the wake of global economic and financial crises since its inception. It will also correlate the Organization's degree of boldness and the composition of the international picture in place over each period considered. The first chapter will give us the opportunity to show how the ILO, born in a context of economic crisis in the twenties and then facing another major crisis in 1930, has taken advantage of these situations to confirm its raison d'être and has been driven to inquire about new competencies (chapter I). We will then step in an era marked by the proliferation of new international organizations with which the ILO is in competition: the UN era. We will see how the Organization's position on the international scene affects its responsiveness to economic and political crises of the moment (chapter II). Instructed on these historical considerations, we will finally be able to understand the normative flexibility characterizing the ILO's response to the 2008 crisis. We will also be able to understand how this historic crisis has changed the world order and has affected the Organization's position in the international layout (chapter III).

Lo studio si inserisce nel dibattito sul potere delle multinazionali e il rispetto dei diritti umani fondamentali e approfondisce i concetti di responsabilità sociale delle imprese (CSR) e della loro "accountability", inquadrando l'analisi nel contesto più ampio degli investimenti esteri diretti (FDI), con i relativi aspetti economici, tecnologici e sociali, nonché ambientali e politici. Si analizzano le norme internazionali in tema di rispetto dei diritti umani da parte delle aziende, ed i meccanismi legali per rendere le società "accountable", soprattutto in caso di complicità aziendali negli abusi perpetrati dagli Stati, anche attraverso la giurisprudenza dei tribunali penali internazionali e dei tribunali statunitensi. Viene data attenzione al settore della sicurezza, i.e. "Private Military and Security Companies" (PMSCs, interessato da notevole crescita negli ultimi decenni. Le PMSCs, impiegate da parte dei governi che esternalizzano una funzione tipicamente dello stato e da imprese e ONG attive in contesti difficili, hanno operato senza adeguato controllo. Le loro attività sollevano questioni su potenziali abusi dei diritti umani commessi dai propri dipendenti oltre che su violazioni dei diritti del lavoro subite dagli stessi. Le azioni ONU per portare le PMSCs fuori dalla 'zona legale grigia' in cui hanno operato vengono trattate insieme alle iniziative di autoregolamentazione. / The study, given the debate about the increasing power of corporations and the attempts to ensure their respect of fundamental human rights, deepens the concepts of corporate social responsibility (CSR) and corporate accountability, framing the analysis within the broader discourse of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), with its economic, technological and social aspects as well as environmental and political issues. International standards in the area of corporations’ human rights obligations are analyzed in addition to legal mechanisms to hold corporations accountable, particularly for corporate complicity in human rights abuses by States, through the jurisprudence of international criminal tribunals and U.S. Courts. Special attention is given to the security sector, i.e. Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs), interested in the last decades by a steady growth. PMSCs, increasingly contracted by governments willing to outsource a typical state function and by companies and NGOs active in difficult contexts, have been operating without proper supervision and accountability. PMSCs activities raise issues concerning potential human rights violations committed by their employees and labour rights abuses their employees might suffer themselves. UN actions aimed at bringing PMSCs out of the legal ‘grey zone’ where they have been operating are tackled alongside with self-regulatory initiatives.