O objetivo geral deste trabalho é compreender as razões da autonomia burocrática das organizações financeiras internacionais. O objetivo específico é entender porque o Banco Mundial alcançou um grau maior de autonomia do que o Fundo Monetário Internacional a despeito de possuírem estruturas de governança parecidas e terem sido criados no mesmo contexto histórico. Acreditamos que as razões desta diferença residem na burocracia com expertise mais diversificada do Banco Mundial em contraste a burocracia com expertise mais rígida do FMI. Uma burocracia mais diversificada aumenta as possibilidades de formação de coalizões com ONGs em torno de policies de interesse da burocracia. Estas coalizões aumentam os custos de intervenção dos Estados para alterar ou barrar as policies defendidas pelo corpo burocrático. Assim, nossa hipótese é a seguinte: quanto maior a diversidade de expertise da burocracia internacional maior será a possibilidade de formação de coalizões com ONGs em torno de policies de seu interesse e, conseqüentemente, maior será sua autonomia burocrática. Do ponto de vista teórico utilizamos a teoria agente-principal para discutir burocracias internacionais. Do ponto de vista metodológico utilizamos o método comparativo com base em instrumentos qualitativos de análise e estatística descritiva. / The main goal of this dissertation is to understand the building of bureaucratic autonomy among international financial organizations. The specific goal is to understand why the World Bank has reached more bureaucratic autonomy than the International Monetary Fund regardless the fact that both have similar institutional structures. We believe that the reason for such difference is a more diverse expertise of the World Bank compared to the IMF. We claim that a more diverse bureaucracy increases the likelihood of coalition formation with NGOs. Such coalitions aim to support policies that are important for both the bureaucracy and the NGOs. Consequently, they increase the costs for both State intervention and State control over the organization. The higher costs of intervention and control allow bureaucrats to act more freely according to their interests. Hence, our hypothesis is the following: the more diverse the bureaucratic expertise, the more likely is the formation of coalitions between bureaucracy and NGOs, and the greater the costs for State control and intervention. Higher intervention and control costs, in turn, increase bureaucratic autonomy. We use mainly qualitative research methods with some descriptive statistics.

This Master\'s thesis analyzes the relationship between the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Brazilian government during the administration of Juscelino Kubitschek (1956-1961). It focuses on the years of 1957-1959, at the time when the Brazilian government was negotiating the country\'s first and second standby agreements with the Fund. The objective is to identify the conditions that led the Kubitschek administration to break down negotiations with the IMF in June 1959. Relying on IMF, Brazilian and North-American official documents, Brazilian newspapers and interviews with Brazilian officials, this study reveals that the Brazilian government only opened negotiations with the Fund in 1958 after Washington\'s intense pressure. The American government conditioned U.S. loans to Brazil to the signature of a standby agreement between Brazil and the Fund, instead of negotiating financial assistance directly with Rio de Janeiro as it had been doing until then. Washington employed the IMF as a way to advance its foreign economic policy agenda in Brazil. This harsh U.S. position remained consistent despite increasing Soviet overtures to Latin America. Given the Fund\'s stabilization demands and Brazil\'s poor stabilization performance, disagreements between the IMF and the Brazilian government built up, leading to the breakdown in the negotiations in June 1959. As a consequence, U.S.-Brazilian relations seriously deteriorated, encouraging President Kubitschek to embrace a more globalist foreign policy. These conclusions are relevant because they brought to light aspects that usually have been neglected by the literature: the crucial role played by the U.S. as to why Kubitschek\'s Brazil sought IMF financial assistance; the insufficiency of a narrow Cold War framework to explain why Washington took a hard stance on Brazil; and the link between the IMF-Brazilian breakdown and the roots of President Jânio Quadros\' Independent Foreign Policy in the early 1960s. / Esta dissertação analisa as relações entre o Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI) e o Brasil durante a administração de Juscelino Kubitschek (1956-1961). A análise foca nos anos de 1957 a 1959, momento em que o governo brasileiro estava negociando o primeiro e o segundo acordo standby do país com o FMI. O objetivo é identificar as condições que encorajaram a administração Kubitschek a suspender negociações com o FMI em junho de 1959. Com base em documentos oficiais brasileiros, norte-americanos e do FMI, bem como em jornais brasileiros e em entrevista com oficiais brasileiros, esta pesquisa revela que o governo Brasileiro somente iniciou negociações com o Fundo em 1958 após intensa pressão de Washington. O governo dos Estados Unidos condicionou empréstimos ao Brasil à assinatura de um acordo standby entre Brasil e Fundo, ao invés de negociar ajuda financeira diretamente com o Rio de Janeiro como até então fazia. Washington utilizou o FMI para avançar sua agenda de política econômica externa no Brasil. Essa posição dura dos EUA se manteve consistente mesmo diante das crescentes ofensivas soviéticas na América Latina. Tendo em vista as demandas por estabilização do Fundo e o precário desempenho anti-inflacionário do Brasil, os desacordos entre FMI e o governo Brasileiro aumentaram, culminando na suspensão das negociações em junho de 1959. Consequentemente, as relações entre EUA e Brasil se deterioraram seriamente, encorajando o Presidente Kubitschek a adotar uma política externa mais globalista. Essas conclusões são relevantes porque lançam luz em aspectos normalmente negligenciados pela literatura: no papel crucial dos EUA na busca por ajuda financeira do FMI pelo Brasil de Kubitschek; na insuficiência de uma simples análise baseada no contexto da Guerra Fria para explicar a razão pela qual Washington assumiu uma posição dura em relação ao Brasil; e na relação entre a suspensão das negociações entre Brasil e FMI e as raízes da Política Externa Independente do Presidente Jânio Quadros no início da década de 1960.

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The HIPC debt relief initiative is a controversial IMF/World Bank program. This thesis examines whether the HIPC initiative in Ghana is "pro-poor". The concept of the "poor" and what this means for pubic policy is discussed in the framework of the biblical concept of shalom, that is the promotion of human wellbeing, within the context of Northern Ghana. To enable a fair assessment of the HIPC program in Northern Ghana, a review of Ghana's debt crisis is provided alongside a brief economic history. The origin of the debt crisis is traced to the first republic. A review of HIPC is undertaken from the perspectives of both theory and its practical implication. In the implementation process, particularly in Northern Ghana, the research identifies a number of infrastructural projects being accomplished by the HIPC funds and evaluates their usefulness and relevance. The thesis argues that there are three strengths to HIPC in Northern Ghana, namely, political accountability, social participation and infrastructure development; and that there are six weakness, namely, dependency syndrome, cultural relevance, ethnic conflict, adult capability development, personnel provision and economic distribution. It concludes that problem of human development that has been lacking in Ghana's economic policies, and the crisis of skilled personnel could undermine the provisions of HIPC in Northern Ghana to contribute meaningfully to shalom, or some measure of real development in people's life. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.

Univ., Diss.--Zürich, 2001.

This study had two major purposes: (a) to investigate and compare the perceptions of District Education Officers, principals and teachers about the management of secondary school effectiveness in Zimbabwe and (b) to probe contextualised secondary school management initiatives that could trigger school effectiveness in Zimbabwe. The study is divided into six interlinked chapters. In the first chapter, the problem of intractability in the management of school effectiveness in Zimbabwe's secondary schools is focused upon. The second chapter attempts to highlight the resource, social, economic, political and cultural realities of secondary school life in developing countries (including Zimbabwe) from which any theories of school management and school effectiveness must derive. The third chapter, explores different ways to understand and interpret the realities described in chapter two. To do this, the chapter focuses on ways in which "modern" and traditional" practices intersect in secondary school in Zimbabwe to produce bureaucratic facades. The fourth chapter, which is largely imbedded In the context theory, emerges from chapters one, two and three and focuses on the methodology and methods used in this study. Chapter five, which subsequently matures into a suggested framework for managing secondary school effectiveness in Zimbabwe, contains perceptual data which were obtained from 16 District Education Officers, 262 secondary school principals and 5 secondary school teachers drawn from 8 provinces, 4 provinces and 1 province respectively. Factor analysis of the existing situation In Zimbabwe's secondary schools produced 7 major variables that were perceived to be associated with secondary school management intractability In Zimbabwe: • lack of clear vision about what should constitute secondary school effectiveness; • management strategies that lack both vertical and horizontal congruence; • inappropriate organisational structures; • rhetorical policies and procedures; • inadequate material and non-material resources; • lack of attention to both internal and external environments of secondary schools; and • inadequate principal capacity-building. These perceptual data, subsequently crystallized into the following suggested management initiatives: • establishment of goals and outcomes achievable by the majority of learners; • establishment of clear and contextualised indicators for secondary schooling goals and outcomes; • establishment of democratic and flexible organisational and secondary school management processes; and • replacement of ''ivory tower", rhetoria~l policies and procedures with contextualised ones / Teacher Education / D. Ed. (Education Management)

O objetivo geral deste trabalho é compreender as razões da autonomia burocrática das organizações financeiras internacionais. O objetivo específico é entender porque o Banco Mundial alcançou um grau maior de autonomia do que o Fundo Monetário Internacional a despeito de possuírem estruturas de governança parecidas e terem sido criados no mesmo contexto histórico. Acreditamos que as razões desta diferença residem na burocracia com expertise mais diversificada do Banco Mundial em contraste a burocracia com expertise mais rígida do FMI. Uma burocracia mais diversificada aumenta as possibilidades de formação de coalizões com ONGs em torno de policies de interesse da burocracia. Estas coalizões aumentam os custos de intervenção dos Estados para alterar ou barrar as policies defendidas pelo corpo burocrático. Assim, nossa hipótese é a seguinte: quanto maior a diversidade de expertise da burocracia internacional maior será a possibilidade de formação de coalizões com ONGs em torno de policies de seu interesse e, conseqüentemente, maior será sua autonomia burocrática. Do ponto de vista teórico utilizamos a teoria agente-principal para discutir burocracias internacionais. Do ponto de vista metodológico utilizamos o método comparativo com base em instrumentos qualitativos de análise e estatística descritiva. / The main goal of this dissertation is to understand the building of bureaucratic autonomy among international financial organizations. The specific goal is to understand why the World Bank has reached more bureaucratic autonomy than the International Monetary Fund regardless the fact that both have similar institutional structures. We believe that the reason for such difference is a more diverse expertise of the World Bank compared to the IMF. We claim that a more diverse bureaucracy increases the likelihood of coalition formation with NGOs. Such coalitions aim to support policies that are important for both the bureaucracy and the NGOs. Consequently, they increase the costs for both State intervention and State control over the organization. The higher costs of intervention and control allow bureaucrats to act more freely according to their interests. Hence, our hypothesis is the following: the more diverse the bureaucratic expertise, the more likely is the formation of coalitions between bureaucracy and NGOs, and the greater the costs for State control and intervention. Higher intervention and control costs, in turn, increase bureaucratic autonomy. We use mainly qualitative research methods with some descriptive statistics.

Orientador: Pedro Paulo Zahluth Bastos / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T15:52:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Young_VictorAugustoFerraz_M.pdf: 3218835 bytes, checksum: f61a05becd61f76d94e84d26a8821a71 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Com fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial, estabeleceu-se no mundo uma nova conformação política e econômica derivada dos resultados do conflito. De um lado, constitui-se o bloco socialista sob a liderança soviética, ao qual, em 1949, se juntaria a China, de outro lado, formou-se o bloco dos países capitalistas liderados pelos Estados Unidos que saíra da guerra como a maior potência econômica e militar do globo. O mundo capitalista, a partir daí, reestruturou-se, restaurando as forças produtivas industriais das anteriores economias mais desenvolvidas. Receberam estas, para que se mantivessem como nações capitalistas, o auxílio dos Estados Unidos, através do Plano Marshall para Europa e de volumosa ajuda econômica para o Japão. Reconfigurou-se, então, um novo sistema de acumulação baseado, a princípio, na esfera industrial sob moldes mais concentrados e expandidos internacionalmente por meio da constituição das empresas multinacionais. Estava conformada, portanto, uma nova estrutura de competição por mercados tanto nos países do centro mais desenvolvido, quanto na periferia. Países subdesenvolvidos como o Brasil, buscavam, ao mesmo tempo, inserir-se de maneira menos subalterna ao renovado sistema capitalista, concatenando esforços para constituir forças produtivas industriais que permitissem melhor posição na divisão internacional do trabalho. O Plano de Metas do governo de Juscelino Kubitschek (1956-1961) era a tentativa que se faria para a complementação desse projeto. A dependência em relação aos produtos primários de exportação, principalmente o café, seria o limitante que obrigaria o país a melhor barganhar opções para essa inserção, pois havia necessidade de capital e tecnologia não disponíveis localmente. Muitos dos investimentos necessários foram conseguidos junto à Europa e ao Japão, mas a ajuda econômica dos Estados Unidos era ainda imprescindível. O propósito deste trabalho é exatamente o de analisar os pleitos brasileiros e as exigências que enfrentaria caso quisesse obtê-los. A resposta e os interesses norte-americanos nas suas relações com o Brasil não eram exatamente aqueles que estavam dentro das expectativas brasileiras de desenvolvimento econômico / Abstract: With the end of World War II, a new political and economic conformation was set forth in the world, derived from the results of the conflict. On one hand, the socialist bloc was established under Soviet leadership, which, in 1949, would join China and, on the other hand, a bloc of capitalist countries was formed led by the United States that had emerged from the war as the world's greatest economic and military power. From there on, the capitalist world was restructured, restoring the productive industrial power of the previous more developed economies. These nations were given, in order to remain as capitalist nations, the U.S. aid through the Marshall Plan for Europe and massive economic aid for Japan. Then, a new system of accumulation was reconfigured, based in principle, on the industrial sphere, under more internationally concentrated and expanded patterns, through the establishment of multinational companies. Therefore, a new competition framework was created, both by markets in more developed countries of the center, as well as in the suburbs. Developing countries like Brazil, were seeking, at the same time, an insertion in a less subordinate way into the new capitalist system, joining efforts to establish industrial productive forces allowing a better position in the international division of labor. The Target Plan of Juscelino Kubitschek's government (1956-1961) was the attempt that would be done for the complementation of this project. The dependence on primary commodity exports, mainly coffee, would be the limiting force obliging the country to bargain better options for that insertion, because there was a need for capital and technology, not available locally. Many of the required investments were obtained from with Europe and Japan, but the U.S. economic aid was still essential. The purpose of this paper is to analyze, exactly, the causes of Brazil and the demands that would face to win them. The response and the American interests in its relations with Brazil were not exactly those that were within the Brazilian expectations of economic development / Mestrado / Historia Economica / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico