Peacekeeping, which was born as an innovation of the United Nations system in an ad hoc way, has transformed in the post-Cold War. In the post-Cold War era, the number of peacekeeping operations increased, new tasks were introduced and the end goal of the operations has changed. Besides, the prevailing understanding of UN peacekeeping has transformed thereby leading us to use the terms peacebuilding and peace operations rather than mere peacekeeping. While during the Cold War era, peacekeeping meant to supervise the ceasefire after interstate conflicts, in the post-Cold War era, peace operations have been mostly utilised in internal conflicts with a view to bring sustainable peace in the lands of internal conflicts. Furthermore, while during the Cold War era, peacekeeping mainly concerned peace/security and sovereignty upon the conflicts / human security and socio-economic development have been embedded into the agenda of peace operations in the post-Cold War era. This thesis offers two dynamics based on a normative change as the underlying cause behind this transformation. In the post-Cold War era, international norms have changed and brought a new parameter: internal conflicts are to be responded. Based on this normative change, the first dynamic is related with the challenge, which internal conflicts pose for peace operations, and the second dynamic is the rise of liberal internationalism, which tends to organise domestic realms of the states.

ABSTRACT WOMEN TRAFFICKING IN TURKEY: INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION AND INTERVENTION Arslan, Selin MS., Department of Gender and Women&rsquo / s Studies Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Yusuf Ziya &Ouml / zcan December, 2006, 217 pages. This study has focused on analyzing the women trafficking in Turkey and the international cooperation and interventions which Turkey has done in years between 2004 and 2006. While mentioning efforts on combating human trafficking and international cooperation and interventions, the support of International Organization for Migration (IOM), the leading intergovernmental organization working against trafficking, which Turkey became member in 2004, should be mentioned as well. This study is trying to show the efforts of Turkey in the situation of combating with an organized crime, a gross human rights violation-especially after becoming member of the International Organization for Migration. Before discussing the situation and efforts in Turkey on counter trafficking the realization of women&rsquo / s rights the emergence of the women&rsquo / s discourse within the international arena and the international debate on trafficking especially after the Trafficking in Persons Report (TIP) have been introduced and discussed in detail. Such a beginning facilitated conceptualization of (1) the evolution of the emergence of conscious on trafficking crime in the international arena (2) the sprout of the idea and perception of &ldquo / combating trafficking crime&rdquo / in Turkish society and (3) the transformation of the Turkish context related to trafficking issues in the light of discussions emerged by the support of IOM Turkey.

This thesis analyzes the Organization of Black Sea Economic Cooperation and Turkey&#039 / s role in this international organization. This thesis argues that contrary to scholars who view institutional weaknesses of BSEC as the main reason of its failure in achieving sufficient level of cooperation among its members, political problems emanating from member states constitute the main reason of BSEC&#039 / s ineffectiveness as an international organization. There are six chapters of this thesis. Following the introductory first chapter, the second chapter of this thesis examines the factors behind establishment of BSEC and its formation process. In the following three chapters BSEC&#039 / s institutional structure, its issue areas and problems are discussed in detail. The last chapter is conclusion.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Tufts University, 2004. / Submitted to the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 271-290). Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;

Based on Ph. D. Thesis--University of Nottingham, School of Law, 2003. / Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references and index.

Based on Ph.D. thesis--University of Nottingham, School of Law, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references and index.

Thesis (doctoral) - Universitat, Marburg, 2007. / Titre de l'écran-titre (visionné le Nov. 10, 2008). In Springer Link (Monographies électroniques). Versement en lot.

A major aim of many international organizations is to support development in member countries but despite the importance of this objective in international relations and international cooperation, there are surprisingly few evaluations regarding the effectiveness of development assistance as perceived by recipients. This study, which was conducted using qualitative research methods, addresses the issue as it applies to Seychelles and the Commonwealth. The focus of the Modern Commonwealth, an association of 54 countries, is to fulfil the agenda of member countries as stated in periodic declarations of heads of states. The association has been particularly active, and vocal, in supporting small, least developed, and vulnerable states, including small island developing states. The Republic of Seychelles, a member of the Commonwealth since 1976, is a microstate with limited resources to support national development. Relying heavily on overseas development aid, then on commercial loans, the country attained remarkable levels of socio-economic development despite reaching the verge of bankruptcy in 2008 – when help was sought from the IMF. The continued existence of deep political dissensions has also earned it the label of „unquiet islands‟. Despite considerable support received from the Commonwealth, few individuals in positions of responsibility in Seychelles think that this assistance has had an impact on the country‟s development. Commonwealth support in areas which could potentially change the future of the islands, such as maritime boundaries and petroleum prospecting, are generally invisible to most. It is clear that some Commonwealth assistance is visionary and sustained but according to recipients in Seychelles, the bulk of it falls short of expectations. This perception is due mostly to the inability of people in-country to connect with the Commonwealth or to understand how the Commonwealth functions. Commonwealth officials also seem unaware of the effects of their assistance programmes on intended recipients in Seychelles. The study reveals that communication systems that are inclusive rather than exclusive, approaches that show sensitivity to national context, and a focus on relationship-building, could improve both the content and relevance of the assistance provided by an international organization as well as recipients‟ perception of the value of this assistance. / Development Studies / D. Litt et Phil. (Development Studies)

Les ONG font partie intégrante du paysage médiatique, dans le cadre duquel elles cherchent souvent à se présenter comme les artisans d'une meilleure prise en compte des aspirations des populations. Mais qu'en est-il réellement, notamment au niveau international ? Pour répondre à cette question, nous nous sommes intéressés à la façon dont les ONG tentent de faire connaître leurs points de vue aux Organisations Intergouvernementales (OIG), et de les inciter à adopter des résolutions allant dans le sens de leurs convictions, pour les plus puissantes et les mieux introduites d'entre elles. Nous avons confronté les résultats obtenus en matière d'influence aux principes développés par les démocrates délibératifs qui voient en elles les instruments de l'idéal délibératif en raison de leur aptitude à communiquer et à travailler en réseaux. D'un point de vue méthodologique, nous nous sommes appuyés sur l'analyse des réseaux de politique publique afin de préciser les ONG qui s'appuient sur le même socle de principes et de convictions et qui travaillent ensemble de façon suffisamment régulière pour que l'on puisse parler de stratégie commune. Afin de compléter cette analyse, nous avons réalisé une trentaine d'entretiens semi-directifs et dépouillé 300 communiqués de presse. Pour chacune des Organisations que nous avons étudiées (OMC, OMS, OMPI), nous avons tenté de préciser dans quelles circonstances et dans quel contexte les ONG sont parvenues à exercer une influence qui s'est traduite par une institutionnalisation de leurs idées. Nous arrivons à la conclusion que les ONG influentes empruntent bien davantage aux groupes d'intérêt et à la conception pluraliste de la démocratie qu'aux idéaux délibératifs. Ce faisant, elles contribuent à améliorer la transparence des décisions internationales et parviennent dans certains cas à modifier l'agenda politique. A un niveau plus général, cette étude permet de revenir sur l'activité de plaidoyer des ONG internationales et de montrer à quel point les opportunités qui s'offrent à elles diffèrent d'un forum à l'autre. / NGOS are willing to present themselves as key actors whose involvement in the decision making process would ensure consideration of populations' expectations. We wondered if they pushed their ideas in international fora accordingly with the principles developed by deliberative democrats, some of whom present NGOs as the mainspring of deliberation at a large scale. To answer this question, we studied the way NGOs (at least the most powerful among them) push their ideas towards international organizations in order to influence their resolutions. Methodologically speaking, we focused on public policy network analysis to be able to identify a group of principle-based NGOs following a common strategy. To complete this analysis, we realized 30 semi-directive interviews and studied 300 press releases. For each of the three organizations we analysed (WTO, WHO, WIPO), we tried to specify the context and the circumstances in which NGOs' activities leaded to an institutionalization of their ideas. We concluded that influential NGOs behave more as interest group and pluralist democrats than as deliberative ones. They contribute to implement international decision making's transparency. In certain cases, they are also able to shape political agendas. At a more general level, this study points out INGOs' advocacy activities and shows the differences in IGOs'openess towards private actors.

Orientador: Reginaldo Carmelo Correa de Moraes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T15:40:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Karam_FabioHungaro_M.pdf: 1151964 bytes, checksum: ceae1122c8f1a08a380ce1ba096b8282 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar como e por que se formou, nas reuniões da Organização Mundial do Comércio, da Convenção da Diversidade Biológica e da Organização Mundial da Propriedade Intelectual uma agenda de negociações relacionada à proteção dos conhecimentos tradicionais e dos recursos biogenéticos a eles associados com a intenção de controlar as suas apropriações. A agenda não se esgota nas próprias negociações. Elas têm estabelecido as bases conceituais sobre as quais o tratamento sul americano e internacional do respectivo tema tem se estruturado no decorrer da década de 1990 e no limiar do século XXI. Tais negociações, pela pluralidade e heterogeneidade de seus interlocutores, tem espelhado um aglomerado de posições e interesses conflitantes que demandam dos países menos influentes e com maior potencial de desenvolvimento sustentável, caso dos países ricos em biodiversidade, variados esforços diplomáticos na obtenção da revisão do acordo de Direitos de Propriedade Intelectual Relacionados ao Comércio (TRIPs), com o intuito de torná-lo incapaz de promover a interpretação restritiva dos dispositivos da CDB e de uniformizar o tratamento desta problemática nas distintas organizações internacionais. Analisar como se organizaram e quais os elementos precípuos de antagonismo e de cooperação entre os países desenvolvidos e os países em desenvolvimento liderados pelo Brasil e pela Índia no que tange a esta problemática no interior do Regime Internacional de Propriedade Intelectual, constitui, por conseguinte, o escopo central deste trabalho / Abstract: The objective of this work is to describe how and why it was formed, in the meetings of the World Trade Organization, of the Convention On Biological Diversity and of the World Intellectual Property Organization, an agenda of negotiations related to the protection of the traditional knowledge and the biogenetic resources associated to them with the intention of controlling its appropriations. The agenda is not sold out in the proper negotiations. They have established the conceptual bases on which the South American and international treatment of the respective subject has structuralized in elapsing of the 1990¿s decade and in the threshold of XXI century. Such negotiations, by the plurality and difference in kind of its interlocutors, have inspired an accumulation of positions and conflicting interests that demand of the less influent countries and with greater potential of sustainable development, case of the megabiodiverse countries, varied diplomatists efforts in the attainment of the revision of the TRIPs agreement, aiming to make it unable to promote the restrictive interpretation of the CDB devices and to unify the treatment of this problematic in the distinct international organizations. To analyze how they were organized and the main questions of antagonism and cooperation among the developed countries and the megadiverse countries led by Brazil and India which refers to this problematic issue, it is, therefore, the central target of this work / Mestrado / Relações Internacionais / Mestre em Relações Internacionais