This thesis analyzes the impact of the Evangelical movement on politics in Latin America, through case studies on of revolutionary leftist Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and far right Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil. Both the Chávez and Bolsonaro political machineries reached out to the Evangelical movement and aligned themselves with new social and political actors associated with this movement. Though these two leaders promised very different programs, they both successfully sought the support of leaders and members of the Evangelical movement. The contradictory context of these two cases in terms of political platforms, their shared association with the Evangelical church, generates a puzzle of similar religious organizations supporting vastly dissimilar political movements. This thesis uses a process tracing methodology to address this puzzling alignment of conservative religious organizations with both ultra conservative and revolutionary leftist political parties in the two countries.

<p>This dissertation examines the seasonal round of st Lucian contract workers who travel to Ontario every year for temporary employment in the Foreign Agricultural Resources Management Service program (FARMS). The study's focus is divided among Ontario growers as employers, st Lucian agricultural workers as employees, residents of a rural town in Southwestern Ontario, and governmental departments that influence the FARMS program in Canada and in st Lucia. The main argument of the dissertation is that labour migration has been an integral part of st Lucian history since emancipation on the island. It is both an economic strategy and a symbol of the freedom emancipation promised. While factors external to the island, such as the need for agricultural labour in Ontario and a long history of connections between Canada and the British West Indies influence where st Lucians travel, the propensity of these men and women to leave the island and return can only be explained in terms of st Lucia's history as a British colony. Within this history, labour migration emerges in conjunction with other strategies of enduring yet resisting the plantation economy that characterized the island for centuries. Although "workin' on the contract" in Canada is used by st Lucians for individual social and economic goals, it derives its meaning from the shared cultural beliefs and values of the island's society.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

The Khalsa is a militant sect of the Sikh religion officially created by Guru Gobind on Baisakhi Day in 1699. Sikhism, as a religion and culture, existed within the overarching structure of lndian society during the reign of the Muslim Mughal Empire. Over the course of its history, Sikhism sought to evolve and adapt to internal and external pressures, and the creation of the Khalsa was a momentous and transformational step in that evolutionary process. Using Kenneth Burke's guilt-redemption cycle as a model, this study analyses the events that created the Khalsa. The study found that historical and social pressures provided the rhetorical exigence for the creation of the Khalsa. Guru Gobind isolated and used the guilt of the Sikhs people, the guilt of being passive observers in the face of external pressures, the guilt of living in caste-organized society, the guilt of living in a bureaucratic system wherein the priests had seized power and control, and the guilt of living without external markers of the faith. These sources of guilt were brought to the forefront by Guru Gobind, and resolved through the symbolic sacrifice of five men, after which Guru Gobind created the Khalsa as an answer. Through the Khalsa, its symbols and rituals, the Sikhs were provided with a way to escape the flaws and guilt of the old order. The creation of the Khalsa was an important milestone in the evolution of the Sikh culture and religion. Through this study, the processes and methods of this identity transformation were isolated. Guru Gobind activated social and collective levels of identity through the medium of performance in order to transform his audience of Sikhs into the Khalsa.

The decline of British influence in world affairs is one of the more pronounced political phenomena of modern times. Over the past century key territories subject to British rule have been slipping loose from their imperial moorings at an ever more rapid rate. Those remaining subject to British authority grow progressively more belligerent. In his search for an understanding or this eclipse or British sovereignty, the contemporary historian finds himself groping through a network of complexly interrelated social, political, economic, and psychological processes. One or another student or history has argued that specific instances or groups of these processes are the mechanisms motivating the collapse of the British hegemony. Among those more commonly cited is that group of influences intimately allied with and stimulated by the progressive maturation of voting franchise reform movements within the United Kingdom. In effect, this view argues that franchise reforms introduced radical changes in imperial attitudes in the United Kingdom and that these in turn led to long-range trends pointed at the splintering of the empire: e.g., the political decline of the landed aristocracy resulted in the creation of the Commonwealth; or, the rise or the Labor Party carried with it a campaign successfully aimed at the deliberate discarding of imperial holdings. It is the purpose or this study to examine this argument. Such an examination, it would seem, demands first of all a review of the more obvious factors concerned in the integration and disintegration of the British empire. This review should provide a context within which specific franchise reform within the United Kingdom can be related to other historical events contemporary with them but more specifically related to the disintegration of Britain's imperial hegemony. It is proposed that these relationships should lead to an effective basis for accessing the relative truth or falsehood of the argument that progressive franchise reform has been one of the historical trends largely contributory to the dismemberment of the British empire. Since the analysis to be presented is in part contingent upon a specialized understanding of the term empire, it would appear necessary to begin with a definition of this term.

It is the purpose of this study to trace in part Hull's role as implementer of the Good Neighbor policy particularly in the Western Hemisphere. Hull was an internationalist. His ultimate goal was to lead the way to a better world order that is built upon cooperation and mutual respect. This was the original meaning of the Good Neighbor policy as stated in Mr. Roosevelt's first inaugural address. It was the mood of good will and cooperation that was to characterize America's foreign relations. However, if nations outside of this hemisphere were to take America seriously and follow her example, that policy must be made to work in the Americas.

The 1648 Peace of Westphalia created an understanding of state sovereignty free from external interference that remained largely unaltered until the last century. The horrors of the Holocaust and the significant humanitarian crises of the 20th century have presented the international community with a new type of threat to international peace and security and have sparked an ongoing conversation about the limitations of traditional sovereignty. Russia has positioned itself as a firm supporter of a strict adherence to the Westphalian concept of sovereignty, but my thesis argues that Russians do not value this interpretation as much as they claim to, and that in fact Moscow recognizes that this definition is a thing of the past. I examine Russian actions surrounding the 2011 UN-sanctioned intervention in Libya and the ongoing conflict in Syria, particularly focusing on the major differences between Russian decision-making in the two cases. I analyze transcripts of Security Council meetings in order to demonstrate that there is far more to Russian actions in Syria than Moscow’s public position suggests, and I subsequently offer a number of alternative explanations for Russian decision-making surrounding Syria. These alternative explanations demonstrate that even the Russians, who have portrayed themselves as the great defenders of traditional state sovereignty, recognize the modern limitations to strict Westphalian sovereignty and understand that this traditional definition is a thing of the past. This conclusion is significant because in demonstrating that traditional sovereignty’s greatest champion acknowledges the modern shift in the concept, I prove that the departure from strict Westphalian sovereignty is not merely a theory, but a reality.

This paper proposes to undertake a comprehensive investigation into the role, attitudes, and interrelationships of West Germany, France, Great Britain, and the United States within the framework of the North American Treaty Organization. This investigation will be limited to the involvement of these four members states in the proposed establishment, and eventual failure of a NATO controlled multilateral nuclear force (MLF). This limitation was imposed because it was discerned that these four major NATO members set the tempo and boundaries for the debate stemming from this proposal. The smaller member states seemed reluctant to take a definite stance on the issue until one of these four set forth its own convictions. Once this was done the smaller countries allied themselves with a major member's views. Thus, a study of the relationships and positions of France, Germany, Great Britain and the United States will lend itself to a full and precise investigation of the matter. The time span involved in the major portion of this research will be limited to the years 1960 through 1965, as these were the years in which the MLF proposal had its origin, was debated and died from a lack of action.

If a man could somehow snap a picture of the world today, a viewer one hundred years hence would certainly notice its many revolutionary characteristics. Perhaps the most important of these relates to the growth of non-Western nationalism and modernization, the "revolution of rising expectations," which has resulted in the formation of many new nations within the last twenty years, led by Western-trained intellectuals in many cases. These new leaders have been faced with the problem that their fellow countrymen do not necessarily share their beliefs in or understanding of nationalism. The leaders, many of them young, have had to become nation-builders in order to construct political units within the geographic boundaries of their new states. It often appears that the masses within these new nations have first loyalties to their tribes, religious units, racial or linguistic groups, or particular regions. Confronted with these facts, the leadership of many new countries has used native military forces to help build a national consensus. An army has unique characteristics which may aid or detract from the formation of a sense of national consensus and a devotion to national symbols. Within an army the officer corps is its mind and its heart. An understanding of this select group can provide useful insights into the ideological roots of any army. In this study the author will describe the role of the military in underdeveloped countries. The essay will then examine several Indonesian background factors which contributed to the condition of its military during the period 1950-1958. Geographical and general ethnic, cultural and psychological elements have left a very definite mark on the TNI (Tentara Nasional Indonesia - Indonesian National Army). Any effort to understand Indonesia must also include an analysis of the impact of the Netherlands. The Japanese occupation produced certain very discernible traits which can be found in the army officer corps during the period analyzed. Indonesia's unique war for independence formulated the major ideological foundations upon which the army was built. An examination of that critical period cannot be omitted. The actual role played by the Indonesian military during the 1950-1958 period is then examined in comparison and contrast to preceding portions of this study. The final chapter contains some conclusions which resulted from the study.

Immigration may be an effective survival strategy for individuals from countries involved in war or political unrest.However, the immigration process may exacerbate a number of physical and psychological health symptoms. There are limited data on the health status of new Canadian immigrants, and some social support networks are not formally connected to settlement programs.The purpose of this cross-sectional quantitative study was to assess the level of stress and self-esteem of 400 recent and older immigrants in Canada, and to investigate the impact of social support networks on the mental well-being of recent immigrants.Cultural care and general adaptation theory provided the theoretical frameworks for the study. Results from logistic regression analyses indicated that there were no significant differences in stress and self-esteem levels between recent and non recent immigrants. Results also indicated marginal significance for new immigrants with Hispanic ethnicity, who had lower stress scores than African immigrants (OR:0.196, 95%CI: 0.034-1.150, p<0.071). Afro-Caribbean recent immigrants had4.36 odds of having low self-esteem compared to African recent immigrants (OR:4.36, 95%CI: 1.113-17.078, p<0.05). Implications for social change include providing information to immigration and public health authorities on factors affecting stress and self-esteem of immigrants to promote the best possible integration outcomes.

Immigrants to Canada report better health status than the Canadian-born population when they first arrive in Canada, a phenomenon called the Healthy Immigrant Effect. However, by the fourth year after immigration, immigrants report a health status that is worse than that of the Canadian-born population. Visible minority immigrant women report the largest deterioration in health. The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the lived experiences of visible minority immigrant women with encounters with the Canadian healthcare system to examine the multiplicative impact of gender, ethnicity, and immigration on their health. This phenomenological study, guided by Crenshaw's feminist intersectionality framework, explored the perspectives of a purposive sample of 8 immigrant women in Ottawa, Canada, about their encounters with the healthcare system. Data were collected through individual interviews. These data were inductively coded and subjected to thematic analysis following the process outlined by Smith et al. for interpretative phenomenological analysis. Key findings of the study revealed that immigrant women define health more holistically and have expectations of the encounters with healthcare that are not met due to barriers that impact them accessing healthcare services, experiencing healthcare services, and following the recommended options. The positive social change implications of this study include recommendations for public health to consider immigration and racism as determinants of health; and for Health Canada to undertake system-level lines of inquiry to shed light on the ways structural discrimination and racism have had an impact on immigrant women's social and health trajectory.