The goal of this study was to better understand the needs of the Mexican American community in relation to the services offered and what their perception was of the American Automobile Association (AAA). At the time of the study, the AAA membership rate for the Hispanic/Latino community was 5% (American Automobile Association, 2014) while this same population in the United States was approximately 17.8% (U.S. Census Bureau, 2016). White/Caucasian members in the AAA accounted for 87% of total memberships yet was estimated at 77% of the U.S. population. With a steady population growth of the Latino community, the AAA seeks to increase membership from this population to better reflect the corresponding makeup of the United States. For the purposes of this study I focused on the Mexican American community, knowing that it was exclusive of other Latin American populations. The 2010 U.S. Census (2011) revealed 59.87% of Hispanic/Latinos identified as Mexican American. Historically, new immigrants immersed themselves in their new country and stepped away from not only their culture, but also their language. Ensuing generations of Mexican Americans are reconnecting with their roots and redefining their social identity, however, they have created new, fluid identities: Mexican American, American, and a blend of the two. To which identity does the American Automobile Association need to market to? This study suggests that AAA, a predominantly white corporation with low Hispanic/Latino membership rates, is not getting it right. Whites and Hispanics believe different advertising elements would be more relevant to the Mexican American population. Further study that includes face-to-face meetings or focus groups with the community is needed. However, there are clear messages that using the internet would better reach the Hispanic population, and to reach the most underserved group in the AAA, millennials, marketing apps for mobiles would be crucial.

This research study explored how intercultural communication factors such as values and communication styles might affect the interaction between Tamil asylees and their U.S. social workers. For this qualitative study, I interviewed 11 Tamil asylees and conducted a focus group with 3 U.S. social workers at an agency serving the Tamil participants. Based on the findings of this research as well as the literature review, this thesis reveals culture-specific information about Tamil asylees and highlights the implications of the research to the fields of intercultural communication, refugee studies, and social work. Findings revealed the following: culture general assumptions overshadow the complexity of values and communication styles when examined in context, refugees are a unique immigrant population and therefore should be the focus of more intercultural research, competent social workers seem to possess culture-specific and general intercultural skills, and social workers can apply the methodology of this study to learn about the values and communication styles of new refugee clients.

The purpose of this thesis is to understand the circumstances that result in the inability of third-party interventions to solve civil wars. Previous research has examined the impact of third-party interventions on the outcomes of civil wars, the interests of third-party actors in civil wars, as well as the perceptions of civil war participants on third-party actors. The theory in this paper asserts that third-party interventions are unsuccessful when the government and leader of at least one country place the interest of special interest groups ahead of the national interest of their country. This research uses the war in eastern Ukraine as a case study. This thesis uses nationalist and veteran groups as the special interest group, and high officials in the presidential administration of Volodymyr Zelenskiy as the government leaders. The rhetoric of the Zelenskiy administration in regards to the prospects of instituting peace in eastern Ukraine is examined from the time span of May 2019 to March 2021. The evidence of this research demonstrates that the rhetoric administration of Zelenskiy changed from conciliatory and positive, to that of a combination of positive and negative rhetoric towards peace. These government officials attempted to appeal to their voting base, as well as the special interest groups studied. This contradicting rhetoric creates an environment of confusion in regards to ending wars and conflicts.

The proliferation in the number of domestic migrant workers (DMWs), who travel from poorer countries to work in homes in wealthier countries, represents an essential dimension of globalization in the 21st century. This project focuses on DMWs in Lebanon. In an increasingly globalized world, the study of DMWs, who number around 250,000 in Lebanon (Amnesty International, 2019), provides a critical case to understand how the transborder movement of humans generates unique and challenging human rights issues. Lebanon practices the kafala system, which is prevalent in other Middle Eastern countries and makes foreign workers legally dependent on their employment. This system has often been associated with modern-day slavery as employers gain complete authority over their workers' freedoms and rights. This thesis explores how factors such as the COVID outbreak and characteristics specific to Lebanon, such as massive anti-government protests, the economic downturn, and the Beirut Blast, deepen the precarity of DMWs, including their access to protection from physical and sexual abuse and financial wellbeing. The thesis also includes a discussion of reform attempts and activism on behalf of DMWs in the country. As well as utilizing news articles, reports, and prior literature, this thesis incorporates interviews with workers, their employers, and NGO workers in the country. By collecting information while the crises are taking place, this research presents unique details about the position of workers as they respond to one challenge after the next. The study confirms the vulnerability of DMWs in times of crisis, highlighting that events such as the anti-government protests failed to advocate for worker's rights, and crises such as the economic collapse, COVID pandemic, and Beirut Blast created strong nationalistic sentiment that ignored the status of DMWs. Instead of being enabled by progressive demands for Lebanon's government reform, DMWs were disabled in self-advocacy; instead, much of that activism has taken place on their behalf through NGOs. The thesis attempts to shed light on areas that require immediate attention, including the need to compare Lebanese reforms to those in other states and the necessity of including DMWs in Lebanese labor laws.

Given the reality of a diverse and multicultural workplace in Canada, and the benefits of inclusion for both employees and employers, it is reasonable for employers to consider the inclusion of immigrants. This study explored (a) skilled immigrants’ perceptions of inclusion in an energy company in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, (b) what these perceptions revealed about the diversity climate in the workplace, and (c) how these perceptions could inform and challenge the inclusion practices in the company. Eighteen participants were interviewed in-depth to determine their perceptions of a number of indicators of inclusion. The participants identified that communication (language and culture-specific communication styles), relationships, and organizational practices were salient in their experiences. Immigrants who had previous relevant work experience in the country reported the most positive experiences. The climate of the company led to strong perceptions of satisfaction and belonging, but low perceptions of fairness and equity. Suggestions for the company to improve its diversity and inclusion climate included attending to the experiences and development of women, contractors, and immigrants who are new to Canada or the company. Recommendations included initiatives to support relationships amongst employees, intercultural training and support for internationally educated professionals and Canadian colleagues including leaders, and talent management that would result in more cultural diversity at the senior leadership levels of the company.

This thesis examines communication patterns between the English and U.S. Americans in a work environment. These two cultural groups engage in significant business, economic, and political relationships, and though they share many similarities, the cultural and communication differences can lead to misunderstandings and conflict. This study investigates the perceptions of 32 English nationals about their interactions with U.S. Americans in order to better understand the differences between their workrelated preferences and processes. The English participants completed a selfadministered written questionnaire that elicited their thoughts about the following: English and U.S. American communication and work behaviors, perceived cultural differences, and skills deemed most effective for successful working relationships between the two cultures. Forty-one percent of the participants also participated in a follow-up telephone interview. The results showed that the majority of the participants felt that national and individual cultural differences contributed to communication challenges at work. Some of the significant areas of difference include: language usage, preferred ways to deliver and receive information, use of humor, and approaches to decision-making and managing conflict. Suggested recommendations based on the findings of this study are intended to help professionals enhance stronger working partnerships between the English and U.S. Americans.

The United States made El Salvador one of its top priorities in the 1980s as the communist threat from the Soviet Union made its way to El Salvador. The Marxist-Leninist guerrilla group, the Farabundo Martí­ National Liberation Front (FMLN), was supported by the Soviet Union via Cuba and became the target of the hard line politicians that ruled in El Salvador. In order to combat the guerrilla movement, the United States structured its policy around national security to justify intervention in El Salvador. The three main points of the policy were to prevent a left-wing takeover by the communist-backed FMLN, to promote democracy by establishing free elections, and to reduce the number of human rights abuses that were rampant at the beginning of the 1980s. The question of whether or not the United States was successful in its efforts in El Salvador was a very controversial one. Through the analysis of the perceptions and statements of the United States Ambassadors that were assigned to El Salvador between 1979 and 1992, this thesis will show that the three-pronged policy was successful. It is important to note that El Salvador still has many issues to address before it fully recovers from the civil war, but the policy of United States during its civil war was achieved.

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I will argue that a discussion of sovereignty as it relates to internal conflict deepens our understanding of the Colombian conflict, and in turn, the Colombian conflict deepens the ongoing discussion on sovereignty. Internal armed conflict is a tool to free and dominate populations, to save and kill individuals, and to destroy and build institutions. Thomas Hobbes and John Locke set an initial framework for understanding sovereignty. Armed actors use violence to create a sphere of influence that overlaps with the state’s legal jurisdiction: armed actors use violence as a strategy of hegemonic state building. Overlapping territorial claims challenge the integrity of Colombian sovereignty. I will argue in this thesis that the Colombian example demonstrates that a government’s sovereignty can be threatened by an ideological competitor (FARC), outlaws -- whether state created (AUC) or independent of the state (drug cartels) -- and by foreign nations (US). If the collective actions of these actors can effectively contest the state’s legitimacy, comparative advantage in violence, and territorial claims, armed actors can effectively undermine the state’s sovereignty. In this way, the Colombian example is a rich case study in domestic sovereignty.

In July 2014, Argentina entered selective default, even as the country remained financially solvent. The default stemmed not from economic woes, but rather from protracted international litigation between Argentina and a group of hedge funds who, for years, refused to negotiate with Argentina over their bond holdings in the wake of the country’s first default in 2001. These holdouts stalled negotiations and locked Argentina out of international credit markets, damaging the country’s economy and financially harming other creditors and Argentinian citizens alike. Argentina ended up in such a dilemma because of the current sovereign debt restructuring process. No international arbitrator of sovereign debt currently exists. Instead, a country must negotiate with creditors on an ad-hoc basis, gathering support from 100% of creditors before it can restructure its debt and reenter international credit markets, an extremely inefficient system. This paper will assess the current system of sovereign default renegotiations, identifying inefficiencies in the current system, reviewing past proposals for improvements to the system, and ultimately proposing an international arbitrator for default negotiations. This text uses the development of the US Federal Municipal Bankruptcy Act of 1934 as a guide for an international bankruptcy court. Prior to the passage of the law, municipalities faced many of the same challenges faced by defaulted nations today, including powerful holdouts and a lack of structure in the negotiation system. Given the similarities between the two cases, the Federal Municipal Bankruptcy Act serves as an ideal framework for sovereign default arbitration internationally.