O objetivo geral deste trabalho é investigar as possibilidades de integração entre o norte do Brasil e a Venezuela com base nos planos de desenvolvimento regional dos dois países, em suas políticas externas e nas iniciativas de integração da América do Sul. A hipótese central é a de que a formulação e a execução de um plano nesses moldes só são possíveis em um contexto em que as fronteiras sejam entendidas mais como oportunidade de integração e desenvolvimento conjunto do que como espaço de disputas e ameaças, em que o planejamento, as políticas públicas e a cooperação técnica extrapolem o âmbito nacional e tenham como objetivo maior a diminuição de assimetrias. Para tanto, apresenta-se o debate sobre a relação entre desenvolvimento e planejamento na construção teórica latino-americana e sua relação com o processo integracionista regional; em seguida, os planos de desenvolvimento dos dois países, enfatizando que historicamente foram pensados de forma exclusivamente nacional (interna), desconsiderando as potencialidades da integração com os vizinhos e de um projeto regional de desenvolvimento; pretende-se também discutir as mudanças no contexto regional que possibilitaram a articulação conjunta de políticas para o desenvolvimento regional, principalmente no período mais recente e avaliar as ações das instituições contemporâneas de desenvolvimento regional, notadamente a Sudam, Suframa, o Projeto Calha Norte e o Banco da Amazônia, no Brasil, e a CVG, o Mibam, o Projeto Socialista Orinoco (PSO) e o Plan Guayna Socialista, na Venezuela; por fim, discutem-se as especificidades das relações entre Brasil e Venezuela e a importância da nova cooperação entre os dois países para a diminuição das assimetrias, além do protagonismo de Brasil e Venezuela no processo de integração atual. / This thesis aims to investigate the possibilities of integration between the north of Brazil and Venezuela based on their regional development plans, their external politics and on the initiatives for integration of South America. The main hypothesis is that the formulation and execution of this kind of plan is only possible in a context where the borders are seen as opportunity for integration and joint development instead of seen as space of dispute and threat; in a context in which the planning, the public policies and the technical cooperation extrapolate the nations with the objective of decrease the asymmetries. Thus, the thesis starts with the discussion about the Latin-American theoretical debate of the relation between development and planning. After that, it discuss the Plans for development of both countries, emphasizing that historically these plans where planned to be exclusively internal (national), disregarding the prospective of integration with neighbors as well as the prospective of a regional development project. Then, the text discusses the regional context changes that made possible the joint articulation of policies for regional development, especially done today, and evaluate the contemporary institutional actions for regional development, markedly Sudam, Suframa, Projeto Calha Norte and Banco da Amazônia, in Brazil, and CVG, Mibam, Proyecto Socialista Orinoco (PSO) and Plan Guayna Socialista, in Venezuela. Finally, this thesis discuss the special relationship between Brazil and Venezuela and the importance of the new cooperation between them to decrease the asymmetries, besides their role on todays integration process.

As agendas de pesquisa em relações internacionais que se dedicam aos recursos hídricos compartilhados entre Estados aplicam a lógica econômica de que quanto mais escasso o recurso maior a competição por ele. Essa lógica leva à conclusão de que a escassez da água conduzirá os Estados a um ambiente de competição cujo fim inevitável é o conflito violento. No entanto, essa tendência não se confirma na realidade por conta da proliferação, sem precedentes, de tratados internacionais sobre água compartilhada e mecanismos institucionais de gestão compartilhada em muitas bacias hidrográficas no mundo. O presente estudo inferiu a existência de um mecanismo causal com base na interdependência física existente entre os Estados na bacia hidrográfica e o testou empiricamente nos casos da bacia do rio Jordão e Colorado/Grande por meio do método de process tracing. Os testes empíricos identificaram a grande relevância da interdependência física para os Estados que compartilham a água a tal ponto de iniciarem processos de cooperação mais ou menos institucionalizados que geraram um ambiente mais estável politicamente. Com isso, conclui-se a relevância da interdependência física como condição minimamente suficiente para conduzir os Estados ribeirinhos a processos de cooperação, embora não se exclua a possibilidade de conflitos violentos / Research agendas in international relations that are devoted to shared water resources between states apply economic logic that the more scarce the resource the more will be the competition for it. This logic makes research agendas to conclude that water scarcity will lead states to a competitive environment which the inevitable end is the violent conflict. However, this trend is not confirmed in reality due to the unprecedented proliferation of international treaties on shared water and institutional mechanisms for joint management in many river basins around the world.This study inferred the existence of a causal mechanism based on existing physical interdependence among states in the watershed and tested it empirically in the cases of Jordan and Colorado/Grande river basins by the method of process tracing. Empirical tests have identified the great relevance of physical interdependence among states that share the water to the point of starting more or less institutionalized cooperation processes that generated a more politically stable environment. Therefore, concludes the relevance of physical interdependence as a minimal sufficient condition that drive the riparian states to cooperation processes, although it does not exclude the possibility of violent conflicts

LL.D. / Millions of human lives have been affected by gross human rights violations since 1945. Genocide and crimes against humanity have been perpetrated repeatedly against civilians despite the vow after the Holocaust that such atrocities would “never again” occur. The Holocaust acts were not criminalised as “genocide” in the London Charter, but as “persecutions on political, racial or religious grounds” under the broader international crime of “crimes against humanity”. “Genocide” was criminalised on 9 December 1948 by the adoption of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide by the United Nations General Assembly. Two main obligations were imposed on signatory states by Article I of the Genocide Convention, namely to prevent the commission of the international crime of genocide, and the obligation to punish the perpetrators of such a crime. Both genocide and crimes against humanity form part of the “most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole”, which are also gross human rights violations. It is of interest to all states of the international community to prevent the commission of these gross human rights violations and to prosecute perpetrators. The prohibition of the international crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity is erga omnes in nature. The research objective of this doctoral thesis is to analyse the causes for the repeated failure of the international community to fulfil the erga omnes obligation to prevent and prosecute gross human rights violations. This endeavour is furthermore aimed at formulating recommendations that will enhance future compliance with the erga omnes obligation in accordance with the international legal developments that will form the subject matter of the thesis. The thesis consists of five parts. Part 1 is an introduction in which the research objective and aims of the thesis are explained and demarcated, as well as the issues focused upon. Core legal concepts, terms and notions explained in Part 1 include “gross human rightsviolations”, “erga omnes obligation”, “jus cogens norms”, “customary international law”, “states upon whom the erga omnes obligations to prevent and prosecute gross human rights violations are imposed”, “the obligation to prevent”, “the obligation to prosecute”, “state responsibility”, “individual criminal responsibility”, “state immunity”, and various other terms. Part 1 further explains the research methodology followed in the thesis and contains a brief overview of the parts and chapters.

La mondialisation et le progrès technologique défient constamment la capacité d’adaptation des politiques publiques des États. Le cyberespace constitue un nouvel espace de liberté mais aussi un nouvel espace de danger donnant naissance à une forme de criminalité originale, appelée la cybercriminalité. La régulation de cet espace numérique transfrontalier, rapide et technique ne se fait pas sans difficulté pour les États. La lutte contre la cybercriminalité pose des questions politiques, juridiques et techniques. Le cyberespace montre les limites de nos systèmes juridiques actuels. L’adaptation du droit pénal et de la procédure pénale à la cybercriminalité doit se faire dans le respect des libertés individuelles. Cet équilibre entre sécurité et liberté est particulièrement délicat dans un espace virtuel. Le législateur, le juge et les services d’enquêtes sont confrontés à l’évolution constante des méthodes cybercriminelles, nécessitant une réponse judiciaire coordonnée et prompte au niveau international. Ces nécessités tardent à se matérialiser dans un contexte d’hétérogénéité des systèmes judiciaires et d’absence de stratégie globale et harmonisée. Cette lutte pose des questions quant à la souveraineté des États et pousse à repenser les modèles actuels. / Globalization and technological progress constantly challenge the adaptation capacity of government policies. Cyberspace is a new freedom space and a new danger space giving birth to a new form of original crime called cybercrime. The regulation of this cross-border, fast and technical space, is not easy for States. The fight against cybercrime generates political, legal and technical problems. Cyberspace shows deficiencies of our current legal systems.The criminal law and criminal procedure’s adaptation to cybercrime should be done in Human rights’ respect. This balance between security and freedom is particularly hard in a virtual space. The legislator, the judge and the policeman are faced with the constant evolution of cybercrime methods requiring a coordinated and fast international judicial action. These requirements are difficult to achieve in a context of heterogeneity remains of judicial systems and no comprehensive and harmonized strategy has emerged. This fight raises questions about states sovereignty and requires rethinking current models.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / The aim of this research is to highlight both the conceptual and practical factors that constrain attempts to link humanitarian assistance and development aid in political emergencies in Southern Africa by using the case study of Mozambique in the period between 1975-1995. Extensive use and reference to Norwegian relief and development aid during the above-mentioned period is made. Although cross-reference is made to other donor countries such as the Like-minded Group (comprising of Canada, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway and Switzerland) and UN agencies that supported Mozambique's transition from war to peace, the major focus is on Norway as she has traditionally been the sixth largest bilateral donor by the early 1990's and incorporated long-term development priorities in her programs. / South Africa

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / This study was an investigation of the relationship between political conditionality and self-determination using Zimbabwe as a case study. The Zimbabwean land issue illustrates the challenges posed by external influences on supposedly autonomous domestic policy decision-making processes. / South Africa

In 1991 the Treaty enacting the African Economic Community (AEC)1 was signed by the African Heads of State and Government.2 The AEC aims to establish regional free markets that would then be transformed into a continent-wide single market in six subsequent stages enabling the free movement of persons, goods, services, and capital until 2025 at the latest.3 However, to make sure that the free movement of persons in Africa would not also become a "free flow of criminals", the installation of a common market will require intensified police and judicial co-operation, information exchange and external border controls. 1 Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community adopted by the Heads of State and Government of Member States of the Organisation of African Unity in Abuja, Nigeria, 3 June 1991. 2 Art. 6(1) Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community. 3 Arts. 4(2)(h) and 4(2)(i) Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community. Furthermore, the age of globalisation calls into question the traditional concepts of sovereignty. Nowadays individual states are often unable to supervise their complete territory and battle to guard their borders against unwanted goods, people and ideas. Many facets of globalisation - including fast technological development and social and economic interaction - encourage governments to cooperate in order to try to achieve objectives that, acting on their own, they may not believe they can accomplish. Or to express the same thought in its negative sense: to fight unwanted consequences of this development, acting on their own, the states may not be able to achieve. This means that sooner or later the African States will have to address the problem of how to develop a police and judicial regime in criminal matters in order to fight against organised transnational crime. The question therefore is not whether the African States should engage in police and judicial co-operation, but rather what form it should take. The aim of this master treatise is to define the cornerstones of a possible future adoption of a police and judicial regime for the African Union (AU). There are numerous police and judicial co-operations around the world of various types so to make the task more manageable this treaty looks at the European Union (EU) in some detail and uses it as an example or as a guideline to sketch out a possible development of a police and judicial co-operation within the AU. This is for the reason that the EU has succeeded in creating a sophisticated regime of police and judicial co-operation and thus serves as a model of how co-operation levels can be created, handled, and preserved. The EU also serves as an example of how certain obstacles can make co-operation difficult or even prevent efforts for an effective transnational police and judicial co-operation. However, the current EU is the result of the specific circumstances in which its Member States and organs have responded to the economic and political changes they have been faced with. The AU has to operate amidst a political setting and various other circumstances that are very different. As a result the police and judicial co-operation regime of the AU will be very different from the EU model. This treatise argues that due to the vast number of participating states in the AU and the AU's decision-making practice, the continental level is not an appropriate point of departure for the AU to adopt a police and judicial co-operation regime. Police and judicial co-operation within the AU will at first have to be pursued at a sub-regional level. The co-operation should start at the already subdivided Regional Economic Communities (RECs) established by the AEC. Only in time, if at all, will the sub-regional markets be prepared to merge into a continent-wide integration. This is why at the present time the AU will have to accept a mere supervising and stimulating part in pursuing the ultimate objective of developing a police and judicial co-operation on a continent-wide level. Furthermore, this treatise assesses that the huge number of economic, social, and political challenges impair the AU's action ability with the result that it will not be able to establish a supranational legal body comparable to that of the EU in the near future. Also, the African Heads of State and Government are too interested in keeping their sovereign powers to themselves. This is why in Africa integration is more likely to be achieved with an intergovernmental approach. Therefore, police and judicial co-operation should first be exercised by means of informal meetings of the Interior and Justice Ministers and any resulting acts should be classified as (traditional) public international law. This is not to imply that the AU has no role to play here, for said meetings will have to be coordinated and supervised. In order to do justice to its supervising role it is necessary to empower the organs of the AU. This treatise analyses that for the AU to establish an efficient institutional framework, it is extremely important that the Assembly's monopoly over proposing legislation and establishing new organs is changed. Consensus decisions between fifty-four Member States would in an optimal case be replaced by a system where no organ is in total control. Finally, this treatise emphasises the necessity to push ahead with the development of the regional free markets as envisioned by the AEC. Similar to the development in the EU, this will bring about new challenges in combating new types of transnational crimes. This treatise demonstrates that this challenge might bring the necessary momentum to formally introduce police and judicial co-operation in criminal matters, usually a high policy area, on the agenda of the AU. In conclusion, this treatise shows that co-operation in such a sensitive area as security policy first and foremost needs a sufficient amount of trust between the decision makers of the involved states. To develop this necessary trust and the processes building upon this, this treatise argues that a regular meeting between the Interior and Justice Ministers, either inside or outside the framework of the AU, should be launched. Through these meetings the AU could gradually develop a platform for discussion in the area of criminal law and thereby slowly intensify its information exchange and operational co-operation. The history of the EU has shown that the development of a supranational legal system first and foremost requires mutual trust in each other's respective legal systems. Trust is generated by communication in an informal atmosphere. Therefore, this treatise argues that a colloquial intergovernmental co-operation within the field of criminal law is the correct approach for the AU to develop a police and judicial co-operation in criminal matters.

Continued debates on economic development, poverty eradication and the growing skeptism concerning the paradigms proposed through many decades, has led to a continued search for a paradigm that would, finally, resolve the issue of pervasive poverty in the Sub-Saharan Africa. Having implemented decentralization within government entities without any significant contribution to poverty eradication, the focus has now turned to the development agencies themselves. What are the inefficiencies in these agencies which if addressed might enable them deliver development aid more efficiently thus, providing more resources for development from being lost in the attrition of overheads? It is, therefore, argued that decentralization of development agencies will improve the efficiency and effectiveness of IFIs in delivering development aid. At the same time, decentralization reforms have been proposed as a response to the failures of highly centralized states (or organizations in this case). Empirical evidence, strongly, suggests that physical proximity and more "face-time", promotes better results-on-the-ground, delivered by staff who are better attuned to local conditions and have a better understanding of the client and their development agenda. But, will decentralization alone solve the issue of pervasive poverty? This research recognises that the factors affecting poverty are diverse and intricate and isolating just one part of the puzzle is not enough. Nevertheless, it is argues that decentralization, has a positive impact on poverty reduction thus, this study presents both practical and theoretical considerations from which policy measures can be derived. This thesis focused on establishing how the World Bank, changed its strategies through the implementation of decentralization of its operations as proposed in the ‗Strategic Compact‘, renewed the way it worked in order to maintain its relevance in the development world. The World Bank President, James Wolfensohn, proposed the Compact as a solution to the organization‘s self diagnosis that it was in distress, in a state of possible decline and was not fulfilling its mission of poverty eradication. This research, using Uganda Country Office as a case study, undertook, mainly, a qualitative review of the overall strategy of decentralization and its implementation organization wide and specifically, in Uganda. The research examined how the implementation of the strategy impacted on poverty trends in Uganda. This research found that the decentralization strategy was, fundamentally, the right one to deliver better results of the Bank‘s mission of ‗fighting poverty for lasting results‘ and its vision of ‗A World Free of Poverty‘. Contrary to the popular notion that the World Bank has been, largely ineffective in the delivery of its mission and its decentralization strategy just another one of its 'shams‘, this research established that the implementation of the strategy, although not having a direct or causal relationship, did have positive impact on poverty alleviation in Uganda. This study, therefore, makes a case for decentralization of donor organizations as a means of better delivery of the poverty eradication agenda in the developing world. The benefits though hard to measure in monetary terms are, nevertheless, real in terms of faster and better quality engagement with the clients which in turn, result into better delivery of services and programmes.

Aims of this work are to provide comprehensive information on the development of cooperation between the Czech Republic and Russia in recent years, to assess the results achieved in bilateral trade exchange, to describe the perspective of Czech business entities in the Russian market, taking into account cultural differences.

Equitable utilization is the fundamental rule of international water law. It is the doctrine responsible for the fair allocation of international waters as between different water uses and users. Equitable utilization is a process whereby the interests of each watercourse state are taken into consideration on a case-by-case basis over time and as circumstances change. The process occurs through political negotiations, with an equitable outcome as the goal. However, the debilitated state of many transbouhdary watercourses today indicates that equitable utilization - despite its admirable goals - is failing to resolve the tragedy of the global freshwater commons. With growing demands on water resources due to increasing world population, economic industrialization and increasing awareness of the need for environmental conservation, water management is an issue that will only become more pressing. Watercourses that flow between two or more states face additional challenges in that the water resources must be shared between them. The central question of this thesis is whether greater use of economics would help the equitable utilization paradigm lead to higher standards of water management between upstream and downstream states. The benefits of the economic approach include optimal efficiency of water use, political feasibility in water negotiations, and flexibility across time and regions. Although there are technical, distributive, and moral limitations to the use of economic principles, they can be sufficiently addressed such that the economic approach ought to be a central part of the solution to the problem of global water scarcity. Greater use of economic incentives needs to be made within equitable utilization regimes. Sensible ' pricing of water is imperative. Markets for water, however, are not yet a feasible option because they require well-defined, secure, and enforceable property rights in water, all of which are difficult to achieve at the international level. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate