Magister Legum - LLM / Sexual violence leaves the victims psychologically traumatised and stigmatised in the eyes of its community. Used on a large scale, sexual violence can destabilise a society as a whole and when used during armed conflicts, it serves as a powerful weapon against members of a community. During armed conflicts, sexual violence is widespread and systematically used as a tool of war and this makes sexual violence amount to crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes. This research paper critically analyses and evaluates sexual violence as an international crime, as well as its prosecution under international criminal law mainly by the International Criminal Court (hereafter ICC), International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (hereafter ICTY) and International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (hereafter ICTR). It discusses the problem of selectivity that can be observed in prosecuting sexual violence that has in fact, left many victims of sexual violence dissatisfied. By doing so, it analyses the law as it is to determine whether the law applied during sexual violence prosecutions is sufficient. The paper also states recommendations that can contribute to the effective prosecution of sexual crimes under international criminal law. / South Africa

This dissertation seeks to explore the principle of complementarity, its advantages and its success so far through the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) self-referral to the International Criminal Court (ICC). It seeks also to investigate whether there are loopholes in the principle of complementarity, especially with regard to referrals by the Security Council involving states that are not parties to the Rome Statute. In particular the dissertation seeks to explore whether states can use this principle to hamper the efforts of the ICC to bring justice to victims of the most serious crimes of international concern and to end impunity / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Raymond Koen of the Faculty of Law, University of Western Cape, South Africa / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

[pt] O Tribunal Penal Internacional, apesar de ser um órgão essencial e indispensável para a aplicação de justiça no sistema internacional aos perpetradores dos crimes mais vis como o genocídio, crimes de guerra e crimes contra a humanidade, encontra-se em plena crise devido ao seu baixo poder de enforcement. Especialistas da área atribuem como origem do problema cinco principais questões: a) a ausência de previsão legal de aplicação de sanções para o descumprimento da obrigação de cooperar dos Estados-parte; b) por não possuir sua própria polícia; c) por ser visto como pouco democrático e intervencionista; d) por não ter como Estadoparte três dos cinco membros do Conselho de Segurança e também a ausência de nações de suma importância e, como derradeiro, e) ao ser boicotado por diversas nações e organizações por ser considerado anti-africano. O presente relatório levará em conta a última opção e trará como estudo de caso a expedição de dois mandados de prisão contra o então presidente do Sudão, Omar al Bashir, e a sua desenvoltura ao circular por diversos países. Para lidar com a presente situação a proposta é o desenvolvimento de uma campanha de advocacy com o objetivo de alçar o órgão à sua devida importância ao demonstrar o seu trabalho, funcionamento, resultados obtidos e principalmente ao esclarecer que a sua finalidade não é a persecução de quaisquer indivíduos, mas sim a de perpetradores de extrema violência contra a humanidade. Essa técnica utilizando redes transacionais envolvendo diversos atores já foi utilizada inúmeras vezes de forma exitosa por organizações de Direitos Humanos. Ao conscientizar toda a comunidade internacional demonstrando a devida importância da Corte, que se baseia na Declaração Universal de Direitos Humanos e na Convenção de Genebra, os indivíduos e organizações exigiriam um maior comprometimento de suas nações para com ela, aumentando, assim, o seu poder de enforcement. Não se pode continuar inerte diante tanto sofrimento, sangue e morte. / [en] The International Criminal Court, despite being an essential and indispensable body for the application of justice in the international system to the perpetrators of the most serious crimes such as genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity faces a big crisis due to its low enforcement power. Specialists in the area attribute five main issues to the problem: a) the lack of legal provision for the application of sanctions for non-compliance with the obligation of States Parties to cooperate; b) for not having its own police; c) being seen as undemocratic and interventionist; (d) because of the absence of three of the five Security Council members as its State Party and, lastly, (e) by being boycotted by various nations and organizations because it is considered to be anti-African. This report will take into account the latter option and will include as a case study the issuance of two arrest warrants against the then President of Sudan, Omar al Bashir, and his freedom when circulating in a number of countries. In order to deal with the present situation, the proposal is to develop an advocacy campaign with the aim of raising the body to its due importance by demonstrating its work, operation, results obtained and especially by clarifying that its purpose is not the pursuit of individuals, but rather perpetrators of extreme violence against humanity. This technique using transactional networks involving several actors has been used countless times in a successful way by human rights organizations. By making the entire international community aware of the importance of the Court, which is based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Geneva Convention, individuals and organizations would demand a greater commitment from their nations to it, thereby increasing their power of enforcement. We cannot remain inert before so much suffering, blood and death.

La Cour pénale internationale a été créée dans un but à la fois de répression et de réparation. Ces deux objectifs continuent de se concrétiser et sont clairement devenus indissociables de toute définition qu’on pourrait donner à la CPI. Cependant, si une égalité apparente pourrait exister entre ces deux objectifs, l’effectivité de la réparation s’est montrée, à bien des égards, dépendante de l’effectivité de la répression. La décision du 1er juillet 2016 rendue dans l’affaire Ruto et Sang a confirmé et renforcer cette dépendance. Malheureusement, les victimes sont celles qui paient le plus de frais de cette réalité. Il devient donc urgent pour la CPI de régler cette situation, ne serait-ce que pour offrir plus d’espoir aux victimes. Le salut pourrait venir d’une remise en cause des principes régissant les procédures devant la Cour. Sans rien inventer, la CPI pourrait grandement s’inspirer de certaines pratiques étatiques. D’abord, il pourrait être envisagé de dissocier et de rendre autonomes les procédures qui visent la condamnation pénale et celles qui visent la réparation, de sorte à rendre l’absence de condamnation pénale inopportune pour la détermination de la responsabilité civile de l’accusé. De plus, il pourrait être envisagé des alternatives lorsqu’il n’y a pas de civilement responsable, de sorte à offrir une reconnaissance juridique aux victimes et à leur donner une ordonnance de réparation. En ce sens, la CPI gagnerait peut-être à aller au-delà de la responsabilité individuelle. Enfin, les États devraient être mis un peu plus à contribution en renforçant leurs obligations respectives à l’égard des victimes. / The International Criminal Court was created for the purpose of both repression and reparation. These two objectives continue to materialize and have clearly become inseparable from any definition of the ICC. However, if an apparent equality could exist between them, the effectiveness of reparation has been shown, in many aspects, to be dependent on the effectiveness of repression. The July 1st, 2016 decision in the Ruto and Sang case confirmed and reinforced this dependence. Unfortunately, the victims are the ones who bear the brunt of this reality. It is therefore becoming urgent for the ICC to resolve this situation to offer more hope to victims. This could come from questioning the principles governing procedures before the Court. Without inventing anything, the ICC could greatly draw inspiration from certain State practices. First, consideration could be given to dissociating and making independent the procedures aimed at criminal conviction and those aimed at reparation, so as to make the absence of criminal conviction inappropriate for the determination of the civil liability of the accused. In addition, it could be considered other alternatives when there is no civil liability, such as offering legal recognition to victims by giving them a reparation order. In this sense, the ICC might benefit from going beyond individual responsibility. Finally, States should be made a little more involved by strengthening their respective obligations towards victims.

This study involves a critical appraisal of the legal implications of South Africa’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court (ICC) in the context of its international and regional human rights obligations. The dissertation also investigates the history and formation of the ICC, South Africa’s involvement and its role as a guardian of international and regional human rights obligations in Africa. The study reviews the circumstances leading to South Africa’s notice of withdrawal from the ICC, including the legal implications and international human rights obligations. This inquiry considers South Africa’s proposed withdrawal from the ICC which is supported by points of departure and a comprehensive literature review. The decision to withdraw from the ICC is considered to be a political one. However, this study raises questions about the executive’s withdrawal in regard to its domestic, regional and international human rights obligations, irrespective of whether it is a member of the ICC. The study surveys the background to South Africa’s participation in the ICC, its membership of the African Union and the implications of ICC membership including the obligations imposed on member states. / Criminal and Procedural Law / LL. M.

This dissertation presents an analytical literature study regarding the relationship between the International Criminal Court and the proposed International Criminal Law Section of the African Court. The realisation of the International Criminal Law Section of the African Court will place itself and the International Criminal Court within the same jurisdictional sphere with regard to the adjudication of international customary law crimes with respect to its African member states. It is noteworthy to point out that this complexity is fraught with political turmoil regarding Africa, the International Criminal Court and the United Nations Security Council. This complex issue has been acutely recognised by numerous academics and law experts. Neither the Rome Statute nor the Protocol makes any reference towards each other, leaving its respective African member states with the daunting and ambiguous task of navigating through this complexity in isolation. This dissertation aims to investigate, analyse and ultimately offer a plausible solution to this immediate concern. In order to accomplish the aforementioned, this study will firstly investigate and evaluate both constitutional treaties of both international courts, respectively. The issue pertaining to the endowment of immunity will also be separately evaluated, considering the conflicting approaches followed by both judicial institutions. Ultimately, all previous sections will be analysed in order to recommend amendments to the Protocol to align itself with international law and settled international practice. A complementarity scheme will be introduced on the basis of the progressive interpretation of positive complementarity to harmonise both courts within the same jurisdictional sphere. Lastly, this dissertation will be concluded by remarks recapitalising the main findings. / LLM, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

This dissertation presents an analytical literature study regarding the relationship between the International Criminal Court and the proposed International Criminal Law Section of the African Court. The realisation of the International Criminal Law Section of the African Court will place itself and the International Criminal Court within the same jurisdictional sphere with regard to the adjudication of international customary law crimes with respect to its African member states. It is noteworthy to point out that this complexity is fraught with political turmoil regarding Africa, the International Criminal Court and the United Nations Security Council. This complex issue has been acutely recognised by numerous academics and law experts. Neither the Rome Statute nor the Protocol makes any reference towards each other, leaving its respective African member states with the daunting and ambiguous task of navigating through this complexity in isolation. This dissertation aims to investigate, analyse and ultimately offer a plausible solution to this immediate concern. In order to accomplish the aforementioned, this study will firstly investigate and evaluate both constitutional treaties of both international courts, respectively. The issue pertaining to the endowment of immunity will also be separately evaluated, considering the conflicting approaches followed by both judicial institutions. Ultimately, all previous sections will be analysed in order to recommend amendments to the Protocol to align itself with international law and settled international practice. A complementarity scheme will be introduced on the basis of the progressive interpretation of positive complementarity to harmonise both courts within the same jurisdictional sphere. Lastly, this dissertation will be concluded by remarks recapitalising the main findings. / LLM, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The International Criminal Court (ICC) is an exciting new development in the international system. It is not without its detractors, however, amongst others the United States. The fact that the United States takes a strong stance against the ICC creates uncertainty in the international system. This uncertainty is linked to the role of the United States as the only remaining superpower in this system. The main concern of the United States about the ICC is that an American might be brought before the court in terms of politically motivated charges. To illustrate this concern, the United States offers five basic arguments. These five are condensed into three arguments that form the main body of this thesis. They are the questions related to the jurisdiction of the ICC, the role of the United Nations Security Council in the functioning of the ICC, and the influence that the United States constitution might have on the ICC. Close attention is also paid to the political implications of the stance taken by the United States, both in terms of the specific arguments, and in general. The different arguments are tested against certain criteria, which include the stipulations of the ICC Statute and other counter arguments. From these comparisons, certain evaluations can be made, from which conclusions are drawn. For various reasons, none of the arguments put forward have merit when tested against the stipulations of the ICC Statute. What this implies is that the United States does not have real evidence to back its main concern about the ICC. Even though the possibility exists that an American could be charged before the court, there are sufficient safeguards to protect such a person from actually appearing before the court. The very real political implication then becomes that the United States is undermining its position and relative power in the international system by taking such a unilateral st / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Internasionale Kriminele Hof (IKH) is 'n opwindende ontwikkeling in die internasionale sisteem. Dit is egter nie sonder opponente nie, wat onder andere die Verenigte State van Amerika insluit. Die feit dat Amerika so sterk standpunt teen die hof inneem, skep onsekerheid in die internasionale sisteem. Die onsekerheid hou verband met Amerika se rol as die enigste oorblywende supermoontheid binne die sisteem. Amerika se hoof besorgdheid met die IKH is dat 'n Amerikaner dalk in terme van polities-gemotiveerde aanklagte voor die hof gedaag sal word. Hierdie besorgdheid word geïllustreer deur vyf basiese argumente wat geopper word. Hierdie argumente word in drie spesifieke argumente wat die basis van die tesis vorm, gefokus. Die argumente is die vrae in terms van die jurisdiksie van die IKH, die rol van die Veiligheidsraad van die Verenigde Nasies in die funksionering van die IKH, en die invloed wat die Amerikaanse grondwet op die IKH het. Daar word ook gekyk na die politieke implikasies van die Amerikaanse standpunt, beide in terme van die spesifieke argumente en in die algemeen. Die verskillende argumente word teen sekere kriteria getoets, wat die stipulasies van die IKH Statuut en ander teenargumente behels. Vanaf hierdie vergelykings kan evaluerings gedoen word, waarvan daar gevolgtrekkings gemaak word. Vir verskeie redes het nie een van die spesifieke argumente meriete as dit teen die bepalings van die IKH Statuut getoets word nie. Dit impliseer dat Amerika nie werklik bewyse vir hul hoof besorgdheid met betrekking tot die IKH het nie. Selfs al is die moontlikheid daar dat 'n Amerikaner wel voor die hof gedaag kan word, is daar voldoende waarborge om so persoon teen 'n verskyning voor die hof te beskerm. Die werklike politieke implikasie is nou dat Amerika sy posisie en relatiewe mag in die internasionale sisteem met sy eensydige standpunt teen die IKH ondermyn. Hierdie punt kan ook verdere uitgebreide implikasies hê.

Le mémoire vise à déterminer quelle contribution la justice internationale peut apporter à la résolution des conflits et au maintien de la paix et plus précisément si les pouvoirs octroyés au Procureur de la Cour pénale internationale, dans le cadre du Statut de Rome, lui donnent la capacité d’influencer les conflits en cours. Le premier chapitre décrit l’historique des événements ayant mené à l’adoption du Statut de Rome en 1998 et permet d’expliquer l’évolution de la notion d’une justice post-conflictuelle à une justice pouvant favoriser la paix. Le débat théorique paix-justice est ensuite analysé afin de démontrer que le Procureur de la Cour pénale internationale peut exercer une certaine influence sur les conflits lorsqu’il possède un pouvoir discrétionnaire important. Le second chapitre examine les prérogatives octroyées au Procureur dans le cadre du statut de Rome et comment elles s’appliquent durant les différentes étapes de procédure menant à la délivrance d’un mandat d’arrêt. Il est démontré que le pouvoir discrétionnaire du Procureur est limité par le régime de complémentarité et par des enjeux de coopération avec les États Parties. Par conséquent, cela nuit à sa capacité d’influencer la résolution des conflits. Le troisième chapitre analyse deux situations en cours à la Cour pénale internationale, soit celle de l’Ouganda et celle du Darfour, afin de vérifier si le Procureur a réellement un impact sur les conflits en cours. Il est avancé que dans le cadre actuel du Statut de Rome, le Procureur est dépendant de la coopération des États Parties pour influencer la résolution des conflits. / The thesis aims to determine how international justice can contribute to peace-building and ending conflicts and more specifically whether the powers given to the International Criminal Court Prosecutor, in the Rome Statute, enable him to take action on ongoing conflicts. The first chapter describes the events that led to the adoption of the Rome Statute in 1998 and explains the evolution from a post-conflict justice to a justice for peace. The Peace and Justice debate is further analysed as to demonstrate that the International Criminal Court Prosecutor may have an impact on ongoing conflicts if granted with prosecutorial discretion. The second chapter looks into prosecutorial discretion in the Rome Statute and how it is implemented during the main steps of the process leading to an arrest warrant. It is demonstrated that prosecutorial discretion is limited by complementarity and cooperation issues between State Parties. Therefore it restricts the Prosecutor’s ability to ending conflicts. The third chapter analyses two ongoing situations at the International Criminal Court that is Uganda and Darfur, as to verify if the Prosecutor can have an effect on ongoing conflicts. It is concluded that in the current Rome Statute, the Prosecutor is dependent on State Parties cooperation to influencing conflict resolution.

Legacy of ICTY and its Impact on Statute and Case Law of ICC Establishing of International Criminal Court is a significant moment in evolution of international criminal law. It is the first permanent institution of international justice with personal jurisdiction and it was founded for one purpose only - to finally end the era of impunity for war criminals all over the world. But ICC didn't appear from nowhere. There was a long road towards its establishment and who knows if it would ever happen without influence of so called ad hoc tribunals, International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. It is a sad truth that international criminal law made its biggest evolution as a reflection of the world's most horrible conflicts. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze a legacy of one of these tribunals, International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and to explore its influence not only on the Statute of International Criminal Court, but also on its case law. International Criminal Court is not operating for long, but we can still notice many references on ICTY case law in its judgments. The reason for this research is my particular relation towards Balkan region as well as my interest in international justice in general. The thesis is composed...