No description available.

This dissertation provides an intellectual history of statelessness from the First World War to the Cold War. Statelessness arose as a distinctive legal and bureaucratic category after 1921. In the following decades, lawyers and civil servants looked to the growing numbers of stateless people in their efforts to elaborate a new liberal international order in Europe and the wider world. It contends that the problem of mass statelessness after World War I motivated the idea that individuals, rather than states, are the subjects of international legal order. Despite the celebrated turn to the language of universal human rights in the postwar era, the problem of statelessness in this period supported the consolidation of the nation-state as the central unit of global organization. International legal scholars who had celebrated the rise of supranational forms of belonging in the interwar period turned to arguments for citizenship as the basic postulate for inclusion within international legal order. The debates among legal scholars, international civil servants, and state officials serve as crucial resources for charting the impact of statelessness on international political thought. I argue that the transformation of statelessness from an important intellectual problem in the period after World War I to an ambiguous moral problem associated with human rights after 1948, contributed to its marginalization as an object of humanitarian concern and as an important category for comprehending international political and legal order. This dissertation contributes the first in-depth account of how the problem of statelessness informed developing theories of the state and international law in the twentieth century, and of the consolidation of the concept of statelessness out of practical political and humanitarian considerations. Drawing on archival sources from England, France, Switzerland, Austria, and the United States, as well as published materials, I show that the concept of statelessness was built up by a variety of transnational figures, including stateless people demanding official recognition of statelessness as an international legal category in court cases after World War I. / History

While most scholars agree that revolution is linked to international confrontation and violence, we do not understand why some revolutions lead to long, drawn out conflicts while others are largely ignored. Part of the problem is due to improper methodology, which uses models that make independent and identically distributed assumptions and do not take the complex network of relations that states share into account. Using social network analysis, we devise a network theory of revolution and international conflict that incorporates the revolutionary state's status and relational ties within other states into the relationship between revolution and international conflict. We find that larger and more well-connected revolutionary states, particularly those integral to global alliance networks and possessing a larger share of global military capacity, are more likely to become involved in international conflict. We also find evidence of non-normality in conventional logit and poisson probability models, showing current methods of measurement of revolution and international conflict to be flawed.

The 20th century can be characterized by the triumph of human rights / however, it also witnessed most atrocious events in history. After two world wars, genocides, and countless human rights violations, the burden of this crude fact is still weighing down. Nevertheless, human rights become the intellectual moral currency of our age. The aim of this thesis is to argue that, contrary to what it appears to be, human rights are not moral promises to be fulfilled but a specific way of doing politics which would be meaningful within the broad framework of power relations. The thesis focuses on the analysis of the emergence and development of human rights which provide a ground for the shift from the international order based on conceptualization of sovereign power of individual states to the new world order based on the moral conceptualization of human rights.

American policy toward the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China from 1949-1979 was geared primarily toward the accomplishment of one objective: to achieve a reorientation of Chinese Communist revolutionary foreign policy that would contribute to the establishment of a "tolerable state of order" in the international community based on the principles of respect for each nations' territorial integrity and political sovereignty. China's revolutionary approach to its foreign relations constituted a threat to this objective. During the 1960s and '70s, however, Beijing gradually began accepting views conducive to the achievement of the "tolerable state of order" that Washington hoped to create, thus contributing significantly to the relaxation of Sino-American tensions and the normalization of relations in 1979. From this basic thesis four subsidiary arguments emerge. First, the seven presidential administrations from Harry Truman to Jimmy Carter pursued a common set of objectives toward which their respective China policies conformed, thus granting American China policy a degree of consistency that historians of Sino-American relations have not previously recognized. Second, the most significant dilemma American officials faced was striking an effective balance between containment (to punish aggression) and engagement (to emphasize the benefits of cooperation). Third, American policy toward the ROC throughout virtually the entire period in question remained a function of Washington's effort to reorient Beijing's foreign policy approach. Fourth, domestic American opinion was of secondary importance in determining the nature and implementation of American China policy.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho tem por intento principal evidenciar relação entre a produção brasileira de biodiesel e seus motivadores gerados na ordem ambiental internacional. Esta ordem possui em seu contexto as questões ambientais e energéticas contemporâneas, as quais têm evidenciado o ideário do Desenvolvimento Sustentável como possível solução para as incongruências entre a produção capitalista do espaço e as leis da termodinâmica. Destarte, faz-se a análise da territorialização da produção brasileira de biodiesel e os (re)arrajos promovidos no espaço agrário, tendo como fito a inserção da agricultura familiar no complexo agroindustrial do biodiesel, dado que o Programa Nacional de Produção e Uso do Biodiesel a preconiza como alvo das ações de inclusão social. Diante disso, torna-se fundamental analisar o papel de Petrobras Biocombustível enquanto principal promotor dessa inserção, sobretudo na região Nordeste. / The main purpose of this study is to evidence the relationship between the Brazilian production of biodiesel and its drivers generated in the international environmental order. This order has in its context the contemporary environmental and energy issues, which have demonstrated the ideals of sustainable development as a possible solution to the inconsistencies between the capitalist production of space and the laws of thermodynamics. Thus, it will analyze the Brazilian biodiesel territorialization and the (re) arrangement promoted in the agricultural space, having as its goal the inclusion of family farming in agro-industrial complex of biodiesel, as the National Program of Biodiesel Production and Use recommends as a target of the actions of social inclusion. Therefore, it is essential to analyze the role of Petrobras Biofuel as the main promoter of this insertion, especially in the Northeast.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho tem por intento principal evidenciar relação entre a produção brasileira de biodiesel e seus motivadores gerados na ordem ambiental internacional. Esta ordem possui em seu contexto as questões ambientais e energéticas contemporâneas, as quais têm evidenciado o ideário do Desenvolvimento Sustentável como possível solução para as incongruências entre a produção capitalista do espaço e as leis da termodinâmica. Destarte, faz-se a análise da territorialização da produção brasileira de biodiesel e os (re)arrajos promovidos no espaço agrário, tendo como fito a inserção da agricultura familiar no complexo agroindustrial do biodiesel, dado que o Programa Nacional de Produção e Uso do Biodiesel a preconiza como alvo das ações de inclusão social. Diante disso, torna-se fundamental analisar o papel de Petrobras Biocombustível enquanto principal promotor dessa inserção, sobretudo na região Nordeste. / The main purpose of this study is to evidence the relationship between the Brazilian production of biodiesel and its drivers generated in the international environmental order. This order has in its context the contemporary environmental and energy issues, which have demonstrated the ideals of sustainable development as a possible solution to the inconsistencies between the capitalist production of space and the laws of thermodynamics. Thus, it will analyze the Brazilian biodiesel territorialization and the (re) arrangement promoted in the agricultural space, having as its goal the inclusion of family farming in agro-industrial complex of biodiesel, as the National Program of Biodiesel Production and Use recommends as a target of the actions of social inclusion. Therefore, it is essential to analyze the role of Petrobras Biofuel as the main promoter of this insertion, especially in the Northeast.

This research examines the relation of scalar arrangements of the statist political orders and the formation of the condition of exile, exemplified in the case of the Kurdish statelessness through a critical reading of Abdullah Öcalan's theory of democratic confederalism. This reading, I will argue, permits understanding the scalar implications of what I call the tyranny of the present of the state. The tyranny of the present refers to the tendency of statist formations to expand the domination of their metaphysical presence through attempting to turn their present into the future of those who are considered less developed and aiming to prevent the perception of any unpredictable future that might interrupt their presence. This temporal hegemony is imposed through a centralized and hierarchical scalar order that determines quantitative multiplication of the diversity of human societies and the order of authority of the structure that brings them together as a whole. Together the scalar-temporal arrangement of the structure implies the ways through which the presence of the state determines the condition of the impossibility of the presence of the stateless and the exclusion of the stateless determines the condition of the possibility of the presence of the state. I will argue that this is the desire to leave the aporetic condition of the state/statelessness binary that leads Öcalan to aim for the destruction of the state and the construction of a communalist structure that permits the non-exclusive existence of time’s pure being in itself. However, his solution, similar to the communalist approaches by whom he is influenced, is limited by his ignorance of the paradoxicality of the creation of communalism externally and the destruction of the state internally and by his underestimation of the state-generating forces of the of rules of securitization in the international system that is not based on communal values. / Graduate

How can things so old be so new? The revival of debates on the fate of the liberal international order has reproduced discussions about what arguably are philosophical and theoretical tensions that have existed for a very long time. Taking a point of departure in Reinhart Koselleck’s Critique and Crisis: Enlightenment and the Pathogenesis of Modern Society, this thesis aims to contribute with an understanding of how the contemporary crisis can be understood in the context of deep historical tensions, and the implications for the current debate. To fulfil this aim, I ask the question of how Koselleck’s analysis of the structures emerging from modernity can cast light on the tension between modernity and the current crisis of the liberal international order. These structures are used, with an emphasis on the need for historical context and a critical stance towards the attempt to establish universal truths, to analyse selected material from oft cited and prominent scholars of the debate. By analysing their ideas in the light of these structures, I have found that some suggested solutions to these tensions reinforce what creates the tension from the start. Another finding is that the debate, in some ways, is constrained by dichotomies and underlying universal metaphysical principles, which potentially can limit the possibility for potential change. My conclusion is that a continued renewed interest in these historical tensions hopefully can be a pathway to move beyond some of the constraints the current debate revolves around.

no / This book is an invitation to reflect on the dangers that threaten the stability, security and world peace. The authors point to climate change, competition for natural resources, the gap between rich and poor and the proliferation of military technologies as factors capable of triggering violent conflict, civil unrest and destabilization of international order in the near future if immediate measures are not taken. From a rigorously researched analysis, then present strategies and sustainable alternatives to build a more cooperative, fair and conscious future. A book that promises to change the way you view the world.