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Seen as a valuable shortcut from Europe to Asia, the Northwest Passage could become an important shipping route, and Canada wants to be able to control it. However, the current Conservative Party government under Prime Minister Stephen Harper has led an aggressive, complex neorealist approach to securing sovereignty over the Passage consisting of loud diplomacy, military drills, and rejection of multilateral cooperation in the region. But this strategy that perceives Canada as a principle power is not sustainable. The government must accept that Canada simply cannot afford to unilaterally control and develop the Northwest Passage, and a liberal internationalist approach is what is needed. Rather than continuing to fight for international acknowledgment that the Passage is a domestic strait, Canada needs to recognize that the strait can be managed and developed much more effectively if it oversaw a multilateral development effort through the International Maritime Organization. This thesis will consist of five chapters: 1. The history of Canada and the Northwest Passage, 2. The benefits of a more accessible Arctic, 3. Challenges to developing a more open Arctic, 4. Three theoretical perspectives of Canadian foreign policy, 5. Returning to multilateralism: and effective Northwest Passage policy. Powered by...

The dissertation examines the Student Construction Brigade Movement (SCBM) in the context of Soviet internationalism and the Cold War and portrays it as one of the most unique youth movements in the world at that time. Under the umbrella of the SCBM and in the name of internationalism, students from both socialist and non-socialist countries voluntarily expressed a desire to engage in construction and agricultural work activities as well as cultural exchange. While examining these interactions, I argue that during the Cold War, global youth emerged as one key agent of internationalism through cooperative economic, political, and cultural activities on construction sites around the world. My research not only identifies the Soviet state’s goals in the SCBM (such as ideological indoctrination and demonstration of Soviet influence in beyond the country’s borders), but also reveals that the lived experience of the student exchange went far beyond politics or economics. Students of different nationalities and cultures directly communicated with each other, shared their worldviews, and created a positive basis for expanding their professional and personal contacts.

This study investigates The Committee for Nordic exploration of Russian archives and what we can learn about the historiographical situation in the interwar period. The committee was active during 1928-1932 and was a collaboration between many senior historians from Sweden, Denmark and Norway. During the 1920s they gained permission and access to the Soviet central archives in Moscow, to look at documents that was related to Scandinavian history. The problem this study is trying to tackle is what kind of shape historiography took in Sweden when historians were involved in a large international project. The study’s purpose is to learn what Swedish historians thought was interesting and important in the subject of history, which in turn can aid the understanding of the historiography of military history since that is a subcategory of history in large. To achieve the purpose this study asks the question “is there a type of historiography that characterized the planning and work carried out by the Committee for Nordic Exploration of Russian Archives?”. As theory this study will use Carsten Holbraad’s interpretation of the concepts of liberal nationalism and liberal internationalism and to see if these concepts can be observed within the work and research of The Committee for Nordic exploration of Russian archives. The research will rely on qualitative methodology and will use textual analysis to answer the research question. During the research it will be established that the Swedish historians within the committee, was the most interested in obtaining and copy documents from the years after 1809, the 1760s and from 1648. In the end this study concludes that the committee represented the academia’s general view on history but were sometimes hindered in publishing everything they found due to pressure from above. The historians also did not mind the research into periods of peace and periods of national trauma. In the case of the concepts of liberal nationalism and internationalism, the study concludes that they are somewhat present in the committee’s work.

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The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is a place where states can seek international status by campaigning for its ten elected seats. Beginning from this premise, in this dissertation I ask: how do states seek status through their competitions for seats on the UNSC? Drawing on the concerns of IR theorists as well as historians, this is a process-driven question. I am interested in the process of status-seeking, not simply status itself, and I am concerned with the ways that status-seeking has evolved from 1945 to the present in the lifetime of the UN. I understand status as membership in a club embedded in larger hierarchies and examine both the nature of the hierarchies and the responsibilities associated with that membership. Similarly, I take a relational view of status that is predicated on recognition and social closure. While the UN and the UNSC are embodiments of liberal internationalism, they are also embodiments of global and historical imperialism. This imperialism structures the hierarchy under which status-seeking occurs. Status, as membership, comes with shared expectations of behaviour, responsibility, practices, and resources. I argue that status-seeking thus requires relating to these expected behaviours, responsibilities, and practices. Thus, states conduct their campaigns in terms of articulating how they plan to use their status and contribute to the UNSC's (liberal) mandate. By speaking to these liberal responsibilities and the use of status, states are also articulating their relationships to global imperialism at different points in time through the process of status-seeking. In supporting this argument, I examine Canada's nine campaigns to the UNSC in 1946, 1947, 1957, 1966, 1976, 1988, 1998, 2010, and 2020. Using a combination of historical methods (interviews, archival work, policy document analysis), I use a genealogical lens to trace the process of status-seeking in the 20th and 21st centuries.

The purpose of this study was to explore the perceptions of eight high school principals regarding world-mindedness. Classrooms filled with students of various heritages present a three-fold challenge to principals: a) to welcome and educate students of all heritages; b) to teach students to respect and accept people who are different from themselves; and c) to graduate students prepared to live and work in a global economy. The study involved interviewing principals from eight high schools in central and northern Virginia: a) three public high schools with relatively high percentages of LEP students; b) three public schools with much lower percentages of LEP students; and c) two private international schools. The interview questions probed not only how the principals felt about world-mindedness but also about their roles in building world-minded schools and how they would recognize world-mindedness. The findings were as follows: a) all participants agreed on the importance of world-mindedness in education; b) world-minded practices were absent from some schools; c) offering the International Baccalaureate Program did not necessarily make a school highly world-minded; d) participants did not need extensive experiences outside the United States to be highly world-minded; e) demands from outside forces encouraged participants to be world-minded; f) community demographics affected participants' perceptions of schools' levels of world-mindedness; g) participants in schools with diverse student bodies seemed to be more world-minded; h) highly world-minded participants used conversations to raise and maintain world-mindedness; i) highly world-minded participants used websites to promote world-mindedness; j) highly world-minded schools possessed tangible and intangible elements of world-mindedness; and k) some participants confused world-mindedness with anti-racism. Implications were that principals should a) seek professional development opportunities; b) include world-mindedness in communications; c) start with tangible elements to build intangible elements of world-mindedness; and d) have frequent conversations about world-mindedness with stakeholders. The recommendations for further research included a) creating world-mindedness continuums; b) building world-mindedness in homogeneous student bodies; c) using international schools as world-mindedness models; and d) distinguishing world-mindedness from anti-racism efforts. In conclusion, the growing diversity in U.S. classrooms presents principals with a mandate to work toward high levels of world-mindedness and, thus, become diversity change agents. / Ed. D.

This dissertation argues that the just transition policy framework may not vivify labor internationalism or erode support for right-wing populists if just transitions are not part of left-wing populist projects. Labor internationalism, which involves labor unions cooperating across borders to pursue common goals, is increasingly important as unions strive to work with their foreign counterparts to influence the international community's urgent efforts to address climate change. Right-wing populism is a growing threat to organized labor and climate protection efforts. Some labor activists hope that advocacy for the just transition policy framework, a set of guidelines for compensating workers in polluting industries who are laid-off as a result of environmental protections, will unite labor organizations from around the world and improve their approaches to international solidarity. Progressives hope that just transition policies will discourage voters from supporting right-wing populist candidates, who are often climate skeptics, out of fear of the job losses that accompany environmentalist reforms. However, I question the assumption that just transition policies, in and of themselves, can serve as solutions to the challenges posed by right-wing populism or overcome divisions within the global labor movement. It is possible for economic nationalism at the expense of global solidarity to continue and for right-wing populists to maintain support in decarbonizing areas where policy makers have indemnified laid-off fossil fuel workers. Integrating just transition policies into left-wing populist politics could potentially make just transitions more useful for countering the far-right and promoting labor internationalism. This dissertation looks to the political theorist Antonio Gramsci's thoughts regarding the "national popular," which Gramsci's readers often associate with left-wing populism. The national popular entails intellectuals from different fields (such as the academy, journalism, and manufacturing) coming together to modernize patriotism and strip it of chauvinistic nationalism. I point out that the original proposals for just transitions prioritized providing free higher education for the workers laid-off from polluting industries. The just transition framework's stress on higher education has populistic implications. Educators, particularly members of teachers' unions, may practice populism throughout the implementation of a just transition for laid-off coal workers by encouraging the displaced workers to cooperate with knowledge workers to rethink nationalism. If workers displaced from polluting industries rethink nationalism in university settings while maintaining their connections to the labor movement, then these workers may in turn reject far-right politicians and discourage organized labor from supporting trade nationalism. / Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation argues that the just transition policy framework may not vivify labor internationalism or erode support for right-wing populists if just transitions are not part of left-wing populist projects. Labor internationalism, which involves labor unions cooperating across borders to pursue common goals, is increasingly important as unions strive to work with their foreign counterparts to influence the international community's urgent efforts to address climate change. Right-wing populism is a growing threat to organized labor and climate protection efforts. Some labor activists hope that advocacy for the just transition policy framework, a set of guidelines for compensating workers in polluting industries who are laid-off as a result of environmental protections, will unite labor organizations from around the world and improve their approaches to international solidarity. Progressives hope that just transition policies will discourage voters from supporting right-wing populist candidates, who are often climate skeptics, out of fear of the job losses that accompany environmentalist reforms. However, I question the assumption that just transition policies, in and of themselves, can serve as solutions to the challenges posed by right-wing populism or overcome divisions within the global labor movement. It is possible for economic nationalism at the expense of global solidarity to continue and for right-wing populists to maintain support in decarbonizing areas where policy makers have indemnified laid-off fossil fuel workers. Integrating just transition policies into left-wing populist politics could potentially make just transitions more useful for countering the far-right and promoting labor internationalism. This dissertation looks to the political theorist Antonio Gramsci's thoughts regarding the "national popular," which Gramsci's readers often associate with left-wing populism. The national popular entails intellectuals from different fields (such as the academy, journalism, and manufacturing) coming together to modernize patriotism and strip it of chauvinistic nationalism. I point out that the original proposals for just transitions prioritized providing free higher education for the workers laid-off from polluting industries. The just transition framework's stress on higher education has populistic implications. Educators, particularly members of teachers' unions, may practice populism throughout the implementation of a just transition for laid-off coal workers by encouraging the displaced workers to cooperate with knowledge workers to rethink nationalism. If workers displaced from polluting industries rethink nationalism in university settings while maintaining their connections to the labor movement, then these workers may in turn reject far-right politicians and discourage organized labor from supporting trade nationalism.

During the spring 2007 Estonia and Russia collided in the biggest international conflict among themselves since the break up of the Soviet Union. The conflict concerned about the issue of Estonia’s removal of a soviet bronze statue from central Tallinn to a garden of honour, due to Estonia thought that the statue represented oppression. Chaos developed in Tallinn with disturbances and plunder. The relations between Estonia and Russia became very strained, as Russia considered the movement of the statue wrong. This thesis has examined how the two parties have handled this international conflict through measure how international they are from an official perspective. An examination has been made to see how well the two nations follow the official perspective in a real case. To be able to measure internationalism, a model by Kjell Goldmann has been used, where the idealistic internationalist should follow a certain pat-tern; outward-looking, universalism, coexistence-orientated, moderate. The re-sult showed that Estonia follows the idealistic international pattern owing to a well developed cooperation and membership in international organizations. While Russia ended up in the opposite side, the non internationalist pattern, due to difficulties with cooperation and too much inward looking approach towards the own country. / Våren 2007 hamnade Estland och Ryssland i den största internationella konflikten sinsemellan sedan sönderfallet av Sovjetunionen. Konflikten handlade om att Estland flyttade en sovjetisk bronsstaty från centrala Tal-linn till en krigskyrkogård, då man tyckte att den symboliserade förtryck. I Tallinn blev det ett kaos med oroligheter och plundring som följd. Relatio-nerna mellan Estland och Ryssland blev mycket ansträngda, då Ryssland an-såg att det var fel av Estland att flytta statyn. Denna uppsats har undersökt hur de båda parterna hanterade denna internationella konflikt genom att först mäta hur internationella de var utifrån ett officiellt perspektiv. För att sedan studera om de handlade i en internationell konflikt utifrån den offici-ella bilden. För att kunna mäta internationalism har en modell av Kjell Goldmann använts, där den idealistiske internationalisten skall vara enligt följande mönster; utåtsträvande, universell, samarbetsorienterad och mode-rat. Resultatet visade att Estland följer det idealistiska internationella mönst-ret tack vare ett mycket utvecklat samarbete och medlemskap i olika inter-nationella organisationer. Medan Ryssland hamnade på motsatt icke idealis-tisk internationalistisk sida på grund av svårigheter för internationella sam-arbeten och för mycket inåtsträvan till det egna landet.

Mario Lavista (b.1943) is widely acknowledged as one of Mexico's foremost living composers. Having acquired his music education in his native Mexico and in Europe alike, he is similar to numerous other Latin composers who were building a career in the latter half of the twentieth century. During this time, composers were relying on international aspects of avant-garde techniques, and using nationalistic Latin rhythms and melodies less. Lavista embraced internationalism, and aimed to compose works devoid of identifiable elements of nationalism. This document argues that the absence of nationalistic elements in Lavista's music has affected his notoriety outside of Mexico. The role of nationalism is assessed through a brief examination of influential Mexican composers and educators prior to 1950, followed by a discussion of education and composition in the latter half of the twentieth century. These aspects are investigated with regard to Lavista's education and resulting compositional style. A theoretical analysis of Cinco Danzas Breves para quinteto de alientos (1994) serves as a representative example of Lavista's compositional style and influence. This document aims to highlight and increase exposure of Mexican composers outside of Latin America who do not compose nationalistic music.