Seen as a valuable shortcut from Europe to Asia, the Northwest Passage could become an important shipping route, and Canada wants to be able to control it. However, the current Conservative Party government under Prime Minister Stephen Harper has led an aggressive, complex neorealist approach to securing sovereignty over the Passage consisting of loud diplomacy, military drills, and rejection of multilateral cooperation in the region. But this strategy that perceives Canada as a principle power is not sustainable. The government must accept that Canada simply cannot afford to unilaterally control and develop the Northwest Passage, and a liberal internationalist approach is what is needed. Rather than continuing to fight for international acknowledgment that the Passage is a domestic strait, Canada needs to recognize that the strait can be managed and developed much more effectively if it oversaw a multilateral development effort through the International Maritime Organization. This thesis will consist of five chapters: 1. The history of Canada and the Northwest Passage, 2. The benefits of a more accessible Arctic, 3. Challenges to developing a more open Arctic, 4. Three theoretical perspectives of Canadian foreign policy, 5. Returning to multilateralism: and effective Northwest Passage policy. Powered by...

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is a place where states can seek international status by campaigning for its ten elected seats. Beginning from this premise, in this dissertation I ask: how do states seek status through their competitions for seats on the UNSC? Drawing on the concerns of IR theorists as well as historians, this is a process-driven question. I am interested in the process of status-seeking, not simply status itself, and I am concerned with the ways that status-seeking has evolved from 1945 to the present in the lifetime of the UN. I understand status as membership in a club embedded in larger hierarchies and examine both the nature of the hierarchies and the responsibilities associated with that membership. Similarly, I take a relational view of status that is predicated on recognition and social closure. While the UN and the UNSC are embodiments of liberal internationalism, they are also embodiments of global and historical imperialism. This imperialism structures the hierarchy under which status-seeking occurs. Status, as membership, comes with shared expectations of behaviour, responsibility, practices, and resources. I argue that status-seeking thus requires relating to these expected behaviours, responsibilities, and practices. Thus, states conduct their campaigns in terms of articulating how they plan to use their status and contribute to the UNSC's (liberal) mandate. By speaking to these liberal responsibilities and the use of status, states are also articulating their relationships to global imperialism at different points in time through the process of status-seeking. In supporting this argument, I examine Canada's nine campaigns to the UNSC in 1946, 1947, 1957, 1966, 1976, 1988, 1998, 2010, and 2020. Using a combination of historical methods (interviews, archival work, policy document analysis), I use a genealogical lens to trace the process of status-seeking in the 20th and 21st centuries.

La tesi è strutturata in quattro capitoli. Nel primo capitolo si affronta l'inizio dell'esilio di Sturzo, con attenzione particolare alla scelta di Londra come sede del proprio esilio. A seguito dell'esilio inizia la conoscenza di Angelo Crespi, che sarà una persona determinante durante l'esilio londinese nonché durante alcune tappe che portano alla stesura di La Comunità internazionale ed il diritto di guerra . La parte finale del capitolo tratta dell'interesse per l'impegno politico di Sturzo e per comprendere la situazione politica italiana ed il movimento politico fascista. Il secondo capitolo si sofferma sulle conoscenze di Sturzo a Londra particolarmente significative per le riflessioni che verranno successivamente elaborate nel volume La comunità internazionale ed il diritto di guerra. La ricostruzione di questi anni si intreccia con la vicenda personale di Sturzo ed in particolare con i rapporti con la Santa Sede. Il terzo capitolo è dedicato infatti ai cattolici britannici e alla conoscenza che Sturzo ne ha. Dalla primavera del 1926 comincia il difficile rapporto con la curia di Westminster. Il quarto ed ultimo capitolo è dedicato ai lavori precedenti sul tema dell'internazionalismo e della pace internazionale che Sturzo scrive prima di dedicarsi alla stesura definitiva del saggio oggetto della ricerca. Sono affrontati le diverse edizioni del libro, inglese, americana, francese e i due tentativi che non ebbero esito di una edizione spagnola e tedesca. In Appendice lo scambio epistolare con De Ruggiero e con il Censor di Westminster per il Nihil Obstat alla pubblicazione di La comunità internazionale ed il diritto di guerra. / As an opponent to fascism, Luigi Sturzo a priest and an Italian political leader has to go into exile in London in 1924, during the formative years of international relations theory, what is usually called the First Great Debate. In 1929 Sturzo published a book on The International Community and the Right of War, which looks at the then debated international relations issues through his Christian background. This work will assess Sturzo's book in the unique historical milieu in which it was conceived, in order to identify a mix of liberalism and Christian thought rather unfamiliar both then and today. The work is organized in four chapter. The first face the reason of the Sturzo's exile in London. The second section is devoted to the cultural background of Sturzo's book, and specifically to his key British personal contacts: the liberals, the people gravitating around Chatham House and the British Catholics. Among the most relevant people corresponding with Sturzo or in other ways connected to his book we can find: Gilbert Murray, G.P. Gooch, Francis Hirst, Alfred Zimmern, Norman Angell, Leonard Wolf,. The third chapter illustrates Sturzo's relationship with the British Catholic and the Bishop of Westminster. The fourth and final chapter illustrates the articles and the different edition of The International Community and the Right of War: the English, the American, the French and the tentive edition in Germany and Spain.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine marked the end of a period of peace on the Europeancontinent and as it constituted a significant shift in the geopolitical environment thisevent likely influenced the actions and worldview of important actors in the region suchas the EU. The aim of this essay is thus to examine to what extent the Russian invasionof Ukraine caused a shift in EU’s defence- and security politics as well as their view oninternational relations. In an attempt to answer this question a qualitative analysis oftwo of the Unions strategic documents, the EU Global Strategy from 2016 and theStrategic Compass from 2022, was conducted. By utilizing ideal types of the theoriesliberal internationalism, realism, social constructivism and the Copenhagen School’swidened security agenda the analysis found that there has been a shift in the ideasunderpinning EU’s security politics from liberal internationalism towards more realismand that the military and economic sector had been successfully securitized. In otherwords, the EU's defence- and security politics shifted after the Russian invasion ofUkraine towards a bigger focus on military capabilities and towards a view of the worldas a more threatening and competitive place.

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“Norway and Sweden- allies in the war in Afghanistan” A study of Norway’s and Sweden’s foreign policy regarding involvement in Afghanistan   This thesis intends to identify Sweden’s and Norway’s Afghan policies and to explore how these policies can be explained through perspectives of both realism and liberalism. Study intends to use theories within realism and liberalism to investigate if an overall strategy behind Afghan policies can be identified. The study is based on qualitative-comparative analysis of Swedish and Norwegian foreign policy statements, delivered by Ministers of Foreign Affairs in each of the two countries in question. The results of the study indicate that Afghan policies of both Norway and Sweden are a mixture of both realist and liberal policies with preponderance of liberal policies. Use of military force as an indication of realism’s ultima ratio in international politics and liberal policies towards Afghanistan as indications of liberalization process of a non-liberal state. These two theoretical perspectives can be regarded as a continuum as opposed to two discontinuous opposite poles, when analyzing Afghan policies of Norway and Sweden. International liberalism is argued to be the overall strategy that is driving the Afghan policies of Norway and Sweden forward.     Key words: Norway’s Afghan policy, Sweden’s Afghan policy, realism, liberalism, liberalization process, security community, liberal internationalism.

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