Invandrarpolitik är ett omdiskuterat ämne i Sverige. Alla partier som befinner sig i riksdagen eller som har varit representerade i riksdagen har åsikter och förslag till invandrarpolitik, en vissa partier har mer eller mindre fokus på det området. Syftet med min studie är att undersöka om Folkpartiets invandrarpolitik har förändrats under tidsperioden 1990-2009. Jag använder mig av Carl Dahlströms tre dimensioner respektive åtta typer av invandrarpolitik som teori. Mitt material utgörs av partiets partiprogram och motioner som Folkpartiet har framfört i riksdagen. Resultatet av min studie visar att Folkpartiets invandrarpolitik 1990 espektive 1997 utmärks av den kulturella, den inkluderande och den generella dimensionen viket innebär en identitetspolitik. Under åren 2003,2007 och 2009 betonas den kulturella, den inkluderande och den selektiva dimensionen, vilket tyder på en mångkulturell politik. Undersökningen visar att Folkpartiets invandrarpolitik har förändrats under tidsperioden 1990-2009.

<p>An effective Integration policy is important in Sweden while our government has decided and committed to be a country where everybody will be given the same opportunities. There is a greater awareness in today’s society of integration policy goals such as equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities for all. In a number of areas, however, the disparities between immigrants and Swedish-born citizens are still too large.</p><p>The Swedish Riksdag decided on integration policy in 1997. The main task for this thesis will be to examine the motive behind the Government's decision to revoke immigrations policy and introduce integration policy. This task will be completed with two questions at issue;</p><p>• Which were the obvious pronounced and underlying, extern- and intern sectorial motives and which immigrant policies could be identified during the three periods; 1, 2 and 3?</p><p>• In what way have the extern- and intern sectorial motives, that where expressed in 1997, affected the douting in 2006 years integrationspolicy?</p><p>The questions will be examined by using Lindbloms muddling through theory and Dahlströms “eigth faces of immigration politics” and for identifying motives a model inspired by Hadenius will be used.</p><p>The empirical material has brought forward that the decision to introduce integrationpolicy was based on the central motive that earlier immigration policy produced assimilationpolitics. Which futher on caused the “perverse effect” – segregationpolitics.</p><p>The adjustments have been clarifying of words sooner than improvement of concrete measures. The Swedish government has applied seven different immigrationpolitics during the periods 1, 2 and 3. Becides Dahlströms “eight faces of immigration politics” two more have been identified; “demanding politics and condition politics”. Seven of the ten different types have been noticed; assimilation-, segregation-, diversity-, demanding, condition-, residual-, universial politics.</p><p>The motives that where observed during period 2 didn´t improve the conditions for the immigrant which were discriminated in society especially on the labourmarket. The motives from period 2 have therefore affected the motives for period 3. The recently appointed government will during it´s runningperiod try to leave the muddling through theory by the motives in creating conditions for a “self earned living” and participation. By doing this the esscense of diversity and integration policy will hopefully be reached.</p>

Today, the integration of immigrants into Swedish society is a hotly debated topic, with labor market being one of the key areas of discussion. The aim of this study is to examine how the participation of immigrants in the labor market has been depicted in Swedish Government Official Reports from the years 1974, 1984, and 1996 from a historical perspective. Furthermore, the aim is to study whether the labor market situation of immigrants appears to change or if the textual material indicates continuity. The specific research questions addressed include how the situation of immigrants in the labor market is described in these reports and what measures were proposed to facilitate their situation in the labor market. The primary sources for this study are three governmental reports that investigated the situation of immigrants in Sweden during the specified years. The first report contributed to the establishment of an immigrant policy, the second led to a reformulation of this policy, and the third resulted in the adoption of an integration policy. The method used is a qualitative text analysis inspired by Bacchis “What’s the Problem Represented to be?”. The results were analyzed using Michael Piores theory of the dual labor market, which suggests that the labor market is divided into a primary and secondary sector. Individuals born in the country are typically expected to work in the primary sector, which consists of stable jobs with high wages, while immigrants are more often found in the secondary sector, which includes insecure jobs with low wages and higher unemployment rates. The results highlight that immigrants in Sweden have been concentrated in the secondary sector. During the 1970s, the employment rate of immigrants was high and not considered problematic, but in the 1980s and 1990s, employment rates decreased, and unemployment rose among immigrants. A recurring issue is identified in the reports is the lack of language proficiency, which is highlighted as a fundamental problem across all the texts. The finding suggest that foreign-born individuals were excluded from the trade union movement’s struggle for better conditions, that labor market training and employment services were not adequately adapted to the nature of immigration. The analysis of the texts indicates that measures were proposed to reduce the effects of the dual labor market, but these were insufficient. The main conclusion of this study is that foreign-born individuals in Sweden have historically been concentrated in the secondary sector, facing higher unemployment, insecure employment conditions and low wages, which are consequences of the dual labor market.

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An effective Integration policy is important in Sweden while our government has decided and committed to be a country where everybody will be given the same opportunities. There is a greater awareness in today’s society of integration policy goals such as equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities for all. In a number of areas, however, the disparities between immigrants and Swedish-born citizens are still too large. The Swedish Riksdag decided on integration policy in 1997. The main task for this thesis will be to examine the motive behind the Government's decision to revoke immigrations policy and introduce integration policy. This task will be completed with two questions at issue; • Which were the obvious pronounced and underlying, extern- and intern sectorial motives and which immigrant policies could be identified during the three periods; 1, 2 and 3? • In what way have the extern- and intern sectorial motives, that where expressed in 1997, affected the douting in 2006 years integrationspolicy? The questions will be examined by using Lindbloms muddling through theory and Dahlströms “eigth faces of immigration politics” and for identifying motives a model inspired by Hadenius will be used. The empirical material has brought forward that the decision to introduce integrationpolicy was based on the central motive that earlier immigration policy produced assimilationpolitics. Which futher on caused the “perverse effect” – segregationpolitics. The adjustments have been clarifying of words sooner than improvement of concrete measures. The Swedish government has applied seven different immigrationpolitics during the periods 1, 2 and 3. Becides Dahlströms “eight faces of immigration politics” two more have been identified; “demanding politics and condition politics”. Seven of the ten different types have been noticed; assimilation-, segregation-, diversity-, demanding, condition-, residual-, universial politics. The motives that where observed during period 2 didn´t improve the conditions for the immigrant which were discriminated in society especially on the labourmarket. The motives from period 2 have therefore affected the motives for period 3. The recently appointed government will during it´s runningperiod try to leave the muddling through theory by the motives in creating conditions for a “self earned living” and participation. By doing this the esscense of diversity and integration policy will hopefully be reached.