Invandrarpolitik är ett omdiskuterat ämne i Sverige. Alla partier som befinner sig i riksdagen eller som har varit representerade i riksdagen har åsikter och förslag till invandrarpolitik, en vissa partier har mer eller mindre fokus på det området. Syftet med min studie är att undersöka om Folkpartiets invandrarpolitik har förändrats under tidsperioden 1990-2009. Jag använder mig av Carl Dahlströms tre dimensioner respektive åtta typer av invandrarpolitik som teori. Mitt material utgörs av partiets partiprogram och motioner som Folkpartiet har framfört i riksdagen. Resultatet av min studie visar att Folkpartiets invandrarpolitik 1990 espektive 1997 utmärks av den kulturella, den inkluderande och den generella dimensionen viket innebär en identitetspolitik. Under åren 2003,2007 och 2009 betonas den kulturella, den inkluderande och den selektiva dimensionen, vilket tyder på en mångkulturell politik. Undersökningen visar att Folkpartiets invandrarpolitik har förändrats under tidsperioden 1990-2009.

This thesis examines Folkpartiets (FP) view of the Swedish school from 1990 until 2014. During this time, the media depicts Folkpartiet (FP) as increasingly conservative. Quotes from their party programs and election manifestos during this period is analysed to try to find out if this is indeed the matter. The thesis is predominantly qualitative and both the Swedish school and Folkpartiets (FP) history is described. In the theoretical part describes also both the liberalism and the conservatism as ideologies. In terms of results it appears that Folkpartiet (the Liberal Party) has changed in a more conservative direction. Alternatively is a discussion if it can be about a more social liberal orientation instead.

Denna uppsats studerar utvecklingen av begreppet frihet i Folkpartiets partiprogram mellan 1967-1997. Undersökningen tar hänsyn till partiprogram och program om näringslivspolitik samt utbildningspolitik. Det olika sammanhang som frihet presenteras i relateras till tre typer av frihet och idealtyper om socialliberal och nyliberal frihet.Förändringen av synen på frihet går till en viss del från en frihetssyn där alla skall ha möjlig¬het att förverkliga sin egen potential till en frihetssyn där Folkpartiet anser att individerna skall få spendera sina egna resurser efter eget huvud. Trenden är en övergång från en socialliberal politik till en nyliberal politik. De tendenser där detta blir tydligast är i synen på friskolorna och åsikterna om hur befolkningen bör bli beskattade och vilket syfte som beskattningen har. Igenom hela perioden håller Folkpartiet vissa värden konstanta. Folkpartiet förespråkar in¬dividens rätt mot olika organisationer och att marknadsekonomi är önskvärd men inte perfekt.

<p>Knowledge is frequently discussed in modern society, and has been since ancient Greece. Our goal is to examine the content of two political documents with the desire to point out their visions about how the Swedish school system should be shaped, in relations to knowledge. More precise this essay is going to concentrate on two specific political parties, Folkpartiet and Vansterpartiet and their official programs on the subject school and education, to see what they say about knowledge. The choice is made on the basis that these parties political standings differ most from each other, in the left/right scale in politics. The qualitative analysis takes its main base from Aristotels concepts of knowledge; Episteme, techne and fronesis, and Bernt Gustavssons modern defenitions of them. The study showed that Folkpartiet want knowledge related to episteme to be the main source of education through out the school system, while Vansterpartiet want fronesis as the central form of knowledge.</p>

<p>The socialdemokrats’ long possession of government power from the 1930’s to 1976 gave them the opportunity to put their stamp on Swedish domestic and foreign affairs in the shadow of the cold war. The government policy in security and foreign affairs, therefore, was that of the socialdemokratic party. The stance of the government has been researched, but it lacks focus on the opposition. The purpose of this paper is to analyse Folkpartiet´s view of security and foreign affairs in comparison with government policy. The study is built around three years that are case studied: 1956, 1965 and 1974. More specific is the Folkpartiet’s stance in the foreign affairs debates in the parliament during those specific years that are being investigated. For this purpose, five questions have been formulated: What kind of goals did the Folkpartiet have with security and foreign policy during the investigated period of time? Did there exist an agreement between the goals of the government and the Folkpartiet? Did the Folkpartiet mark their own line in specific security and foreign policy questions? On which specific security and foreign policy questions was the Folkpartiet in agreement with the government? Finally, does Folkpartiet’s present stance in favour of Swedish membership in NATO have any historical substance?</p><p>The study shows that the Folkpartiet are in agreement with the government’s policy of being neutral during the whole investigated period of time. The Folkpartiet are constantly critical towards the Soviet Union, defend Israel in the state’s conflict with neighbouring countries and favour third world countries. The parties are in most agreement when the government decides to side with either part in a conflict. When the government decides not to do so, it causes criticism from the Folkpartiet.</p>

Knowledge is frequently discussed in modern society, and has been since ancient Greece. Our goal is to examine the content of two political documents with the desire to point out their visions about how the Swedish school system should be shaped, in relations to knowledge. More precise this essay is going to concentrate on two specific political parties, Folkpartiet and Vansterpartiet and their official programs on the subject school and education, to see what they say about knowledge. The choice is made on the basis that these parties political standings differ most from each other, in the left/right scale in politics. The qualitative analysis takes its main base from Aristotels concepts of knowledge; Episteme, techne and fronesis, and Bernt Gustavssons modern defenitions of them. The study showed that Folkpartiet want knowledge related to episteme to be the main source of education through out the school system, while Vansterpartiet want fronesis as the central form of knowledge.

The socialdemokrats’ long possession of government power from the 1930’s to 1976 gave them the opportunity to put their stamp on Swedish domestic and foreign affairs in the shadow of the cold war. The government policy in security and foreign affairs, therefore, was that of the socialdemokratic party. The stance of the government has been researched, but it lacks focus on the opposition. The purpose of this paper is to analyse Folkpartiet´s view of security and foreign affairs in comparison with government policy. The study is built around three years that are case studied: 1956, 1965 and 1974. More specific is the Folkpartiet’s stance in the foreign affairs debates in the parliament during those specific years that are being investigated. For this purpose, five questions have been formulated: What kind of goals did the Folkpartiet have with security and foreign policy during the investigated period of time? Did there exist an agreement between the goals of the government and the Folkpartiet? Did the Folkpartiet mark their own line in specific security and foreign policy questions? On which specific security and foreign policy questions was the Folkpartiet in agreement with the government? Finally, does Folkpartiet’s present stance in favour of Swedish membership in NATO have any historical substance? The study shows that the Folkpartiet are in agreement with the government’s policy of being neutral during the whole investigated period of time. The Folkpartiet are constantly critical towards the Soviet Union, defend Israel in the state’s conflict with neighbouring countries and favour third world countries. The parties are in most agreement when the government decides to side with either part in a conflict. When the government decides not to do so, it causes criticism from the Folkpartiet.

Vårt examensarbete handlar om valet av skönlitteratur inom svenskämnet och syftet med denna läsning i skolan. Uppsatsen består av två undersökningar. Dels har vi utfört en kritisk närläsning av den kanondebatt som följde av Folkpartiets förslag och som fördes i framför allt dagstidningar under sommaren och hösten 2006. Dels har vi genomfört fyra kvalitativa intervjuer med svensklärare verksamma i grundskolans senare år. För att kunna placera in de åsikter och argument som vi har utvunnit ur undersökningarna i en klargörande kontext har vi skapat ett schema som baseras på två av Lars-Göran Malmgrens tre svenskämneskonceptioner. Vårt viktigaste resultat är att kanonförespråkarna i debatten kan placeras in under konceptionen ”Svenska som litteraturhistoriskt bildningsämne” och att debattens kanonmotståndare och de svensklärare vi intervjuat hör hemma under konceptionen ”Svenska som erfarenhetspedagogiskt ämne”. En viktig slutsats är att kanonmotståndarnas och svensklärarnas argument ligger i linje med moderna teorier inom litteraturvetenskap, litteraturpedagogik och kunskapsteori, medan detta inte kan sägas om kanonförespråkarnas resonemang.

In this thesis, we have analyzed the Swedish debate about whether to impose a national canon, and make it compulsory in school curricula. Cecilia Wikström, a Liberal MP in Sweden, made the suggestion in July 2006, and the focus of our analysis is the subsequent debate during July and August 2006. Our materials are polemical articles from three Swedish newspapers, which we have examined to find the main ideas and arguments behind the various standpoints. Three issues have been our main focus; first, we have analyzed which concepts of culture the various debaters have used, where we have seen a difference between an anthropological and an aesthetical concept, but, surprisingly, found that there isn’t a very strong correlation between an aesthetical concept of culture and being pro-canon, or between an anthropological concept of culture and being anti-canon. Secondly, we have analyzed how the different arguments in the debate related the political ideas, in this case “Nationalism”, ”A will to broaden the current canon”, and “Reach out to disadvantaged children” with literature. According to nationalism we could, in some cases, even identify right populist tendencies. The third issue that we have analyzed is how the various arguments relate to three different cultural rationales made up by Danish cultural sociologist Dorte Skot-Hansen. These three rationales are humanistic rationale, focusing on giving all people in a society access to “good” culture, a sociological rationale focused on giving different social groups the ability to express their own culture, and an instrumental rationale where a main focus of cultural policy is becoming visible, and generating profit or things not directly related to culture itself. We found, not surprisingly, that the sociological rationale was dominated by actors against canon, and that pro-canon actors belonged to the humanistic rationale. / Uppsatsnivå: D

<p>The aim with this paper is to study how the integrational ideology of the Swedish parliaments party platforms, including the right wing Sverigedemokraterna, is formulated. The integration theories examined are assimilationism, multiculturalism, universalism and residualism. In turn these theories are simultaneously applied to the party platforms extracting explicit or implicit messages of the four former mentioned theories. The Swedish history of integration as well as immigration, which per capita is one of the highest in the European union, pinpoints the reason why this subject is due to further investigation. The results show that most of the parties contain traces of more than one integration theory, with the exception of primarily Sverigedemokraterna which focuses on assimilationism. On the other hand Vänsterpartiet, Socialdemokraterna and Centerpartiet are in favour of multiculturalism whereas Folkpartiet, Kristdemokraterna, Miljöpartiet, and Moderaterna contain more than one integration theory.</p>