Ce travail sur la céramique de cuisine tournée et les pratiques culinaires s’articule en deux parties complémentaires, visant à aboutir à une vue globale des activités culinaires des sociétés de Gaule méditerranéenne au cours de l’âge du Fer, de la fin du VIIe à la fin du IIIe s. av. n. è. La première partie est consacrée à l’étude des céramiques de cuisson et des mortiers produits sur le littoral gaulois et importés du bassin méditerranéen. L’analyse typo-chronologique se fonde sur un vaste corpus bibliographique ainsi que sur du mobilier inédit. Elle sert de point de départ à une réflexion sur l’organisationdes productions régionales, sur les dynamiques d’importation des productions méditerranéennes et enfin sur l’utilisation des différents récipients dans le cadre des activités culinaires. La seconde partie élargit le cadre analytique à l’ensemble de la vaisselle de préparation et de consommation, aux ustensiles, aux structures et aux espaces liés aux pratiques culinaires, ainsi qu’aux aliments consommés. L’accent est mis sur les gestes liés aux activités de préparation, notamment par le recours à la documentation ethnographique. L’approche fonctionnelle et culturelle des différents objets permet d’aborder la question de l’existence de faciès de consommation, d’évaluer l’impact des contacts ethniques et culturels sur les pratiques de consommation, et enfin de mener une réflexion sur la valeur heuristique de l’étude des pratiques culinaires pour la définition des groupes ethniques et culturels, ainsi que sur la portée identitaire de ces pratiques pourles communautés concernées. / This work on wheel-made cooking ware and culinary practices is structured in two complementary parts, which aim to give an overview of the culinary activities of Mediterranean Gaul societies during the Iron Age (i. e. from the end of the 7th century to the end of the 3rd century BC). The first part is dedicated to the study of cooking ware and mortars produced on the French coastline and imported from the Mediterranean basin. The typo-chronological analysis is based on a wide bibliographical corpus and on unpublished data. It constitutes a starting point for a reflection on the organization of regionalproductions, on the import dynamics of Mediterranean productions and on the pottery use within the framework of culinary activities. The second part enlarges the analytical framework to all the kitchen and table ware, to the tools and areas related to the culinary practices, as well as to the food consumed. Stress is laid on the gestures linked to the preparation activities by offering an ethnographic reading. The functional and cultural approach of the different objects allows to work on the existence of consumption patterns, to estimate the impact of ethnic and cultural contacts on the consumption practices,as well as to investigate the heuristic value of the culinary practices for the definition of ethnic and cultural groups and the analysis of their significance in terms of identity.

<p>This study sets out to investigate the social significance and political use of three historical places, from the theoretical starting points of landscape, objects, society and rituals. The Teutoburger Forest in North Germany has had an international effect, being a german national icon during the reformation and through two world wars, Old Uppsala is a place of great importance for the creation and reproduction of Swedish national identity during several hundred years, and Eketorp ring fort on Öland in Sweden is of more regional importance. All these places have been used for social and political reasons through history. History can be used in a constructive or a destructive way. This study stresses the importance of a critical scientific tradition.</p>

<p>The views on and the knowledge of the introduction of iron to Scandinavia have change by the history of archaeology. The results and discussions are put in the context of time and how that time is reflected in their work and texts. This limits that scholars put up to orientate themselves conceal the complex reality. The limits are changing all the time and is dependent of time and person.</p>

<p>This paper deals with the question of whether the symbolic language of the late Neolithic and middle Bronze Age was transferred from ceremonial monuments and barrows into the domestic sphere in the late Bronze Age. I will consider such elements as doorway orientation, the significance of boundaries and depositional practices to see if Early-Middle Iron Age settlements were indeed a major scene for ritual behaviour.</p>

<p>In the Late Iron Age, the Mälaren region contained a clearly stratified society and many sites in the landscape indicate the presence of an upper stratum, an elite. This concept – elite – may perhaps be seen as problematic, but in this case it is decidedly more neutral, and considerably less limiting and excluding than many other concepts.</p><p>The elite was a group that we know possessed larger farm buildings, more monumental and richly equipped graves as well as control over a large part of the specialised handicraft. The people in this elite group of society clearly advertised that they belonged to a special social unit. There are indications that these people had clear similarities with the nobility of the Middle Ages, but they were active in a society without any towns, Christianity or church administration. This dissertation discusses a number of issues concerning the elite of the Late Iron Age. Two studies are central. The first concerns six sites in the Mälaren region: Old Uppsala, Helgö, Vendel, Valsgärde, Husby in Glanshammar parish, and Ancient Sigtuna. The sites are compared to study the similarities and differences of elite settings. I investigate the evidence of different sources for the presence of great landownership, and of their importance for the rulers compared to other resources such as plunder, trade and taxation. The results indicate that the sites had many structural and economic similarities. At the same time, the resource use varied, and each site had its own unique character. The study is concluded with a discussion on the economic structure of the sites.</p><p>The second study deals with the elite in the vicinity of Uppsala, an area that mainly through Old Uppsala and the presence of boat graves are usually connected with ancient rulers. The investigation is mainly based on a number of excavated as well as non-excavated graves, some of which have never been published. In addition, a number of placenames and three unique ritual deposits are discussed. The study indicates that the people usually included in the concept of elite were quite common. This provides a new perspective for our view of two long renowned sites: Old Uppsala and Valsgärde.</p>

Although it is accepted that Phoenician colonization occurred on Sardinia by the 9th century B.C., it is possible that contact between Sardinia‟s indigenous population and the Levantine region occurred in the Late Bronze Age (LBA). Eastern LBA goods found on the island are copper oxhide ingots and Aegean pottery. Previously, it has been suggested that Mycenaeans were responsible for bringing the eastern goods to Sardinia, but the presence of Aegean pottery shards does not confirm the presence of Mycenaean tradesmen. Also, scholars of LBA trade have explained the paucity of evidence for a Mycenaean merchant fleet. Interpretations of two LBA shipwrecks, Cape Gelidonya and Uluburun, indicate that eastern Mediterranean merchants of Cypriot or Syro-Canaanite origin, transported large quantities of oxhide ingots from the Levant towards the west. It remains possible that similar itinerant merchants conducted ventures bringing eastern goods to Sardinia while exploring the western Mediterranean. Trade in eastern goods may have stimulated the advancement that occurred in Nuragic culture in the LBA, resulting in the emergence of an elite social stratum in the Nuragic society. Archaeological evidence, such as elitist burials and increasingly complex architecture, supports the idea of cultural change due to internal competition. This „peer-polity‟ effect may have been incited because of limited accessibility to the exotic eastern goods and the „ownership‟ to the rights of this exchange.

In the Late Iron Age, the Mälaren region contained a clearly stratified society and many sites in the landscape indicate the presence of an upper stratum, an elite. This concept – elite – may perhaps be seen as problematic, but in this case it is decidedly more neutral, and considerably less limiting and excluding than many other concepts. The elite was a group that we know possessed larger farm buildings, more monumental and richly equipped graves as well as control over a large part of the specialised handicraft. The people in this elite group of society clearly advertised that they belonged to a special social unit. There are indications that these people had clear similarities with the nobility of the Middle Ages, but they were active in a society without any towns, Christianity or church administration. This dissertation discusses a number of issues concerning the elite of the Late Iron Age. Two studies are central. The first concerns six sites in the Mälaren region: Old Uppsala, Helgö, Vendel, Valsgärde, Husby in Glanshammar parish, and Ancient Sigtuna. The sites are compared to study the similarities and differences of elite settings. I investigate the evidence of different sources for the presence of great landownership, and of their importance for the rulers compared to other resources such as plunder, trade and taxation. The results indicate that the sites had many structural and economic similarities. At the same time, the resource use varied, and each site had its own unique character. The study is concluded with a discussion on the economic structure of the sites. The second study deals with the elite in the vicinity of Uppsala, an area that mainly through Old Uppsala and the presence of boat graves are usually connected with ancient rulers. The investigation is mainly based on a number of excavated as well as non-excavated graves, some of which have never been published. In addition, a number of placenames and three unique ritual deposits are discussed. The study indicates that the people usually included in the concept of elite were quite common. This provides a new perspective for our view of two long renowned sites: Old Uppsala and Valsgärde.

The intention of this essay is to put the light on and to discuss if there is a connection between a pre-Christian creation mythology and naked rocks on prehistoric sacred places in Scandinavia. Archaeological as well as historical materials are studied. The historical material is mostly from Snorre Sturlasons Asasagan with the explanation of the creation of the world. In this story the world was built from the body of a killed and deposited giant named Ymer. Almost the same myth is told in all Indo-European countries. Asasagsan tells about the Gods and the people in the late iron-age. Sanda in Fresna socken and Helgö in Ekerö socken, both in Uppland and both in activity in late iron-age are used as archaeological example of places where naked rocks are used as some kind of altar for rites.

The essay deals with the hill-fort on the mountain Halleberg, Sweden, its wall design, functionality, dating and its possible function as a central location and a place of worship of the ancestors. The Halleberg hill-fort consists of a 1500 meters long at times cohesive stonewalls which together blocked the mountain from its surroundings. Hallberg's natural vertical scree and cliffs along with the masonry blocked the whole mountain from the surroundings. The hill-forts, with few exceptions are largely not investigated archaeologically and its functionality and role in the ancient society is based on outdated research on the subject. The current archaeological interpretation is that hill-forts served as temporary defense in times of unrest or served as center of power for a social elite. The prevailing view in the archaeological sphere is that the hill-forts had a variety of functions and that its functionality and role in ancient society has varied. Halleberg´s strongest wall sections are at the mountain's south-eastern part where the natural driveway, Storgårdsklev is located. Along with the massive masonry of the walls in Bokedalen Storgårdsklev functioned as the hill-forts main entrance. At places along the walls are the remains of what could be interpreted as stacked rocks and possible fire cracked stone. These structural features indicate that the walls were built during the early Iron Age. Very likely has its function like other hill-forts have been varied and changed based on the community, organization and internal and external disturbances. The essay's main interpretation is that the hill-fort served as a defensive fortress. Moreover it is possible that walls of the hill-fort had a symbolic role as a border between two separate rooms in the landscape. The fencing of Halleberg turned the whole mountain to a closed landscape, separated from the surroundings. It may have been a place where people worshiped their ancestors, a place where life's events, life and death was the focus point.

The Iron Age cemetery at Tuna in Badelunda parish, Västmanland, is a complex and unique burial ground used for only 69 graves during a period of roughly 700 years, between 300 - 1050 AC. The individuals buried at Tuna show an impressive variety of gravegods as well as stonesettings formed above the grave. Who where these people that were cremated at Tuna, among the mysterious women in the boats and the rich women in grave X? As we study the graves of the cremated individuals we reach a new understanding of the cemetery; from its social structure down to every individual. Through the analysis of the stonesettings, gravegods and bones we see a how these subjects, when analysed, show a picture of the individuals and social structure of the cemetery. It was a cemetery for the higher society and unique individuals rather then the average people.