A presente dissertação de mestrado tem por objetivo traçar uma história da ideia de um Estado binacional para árabes e judeus na Palestina histórica. O estudo busca, após definir as especificidades de um Estado binacional, compreender a circulação da ideia binacional no período anterior à criação do Estado de Israel, em 1948, entre judeus e árabes-palestinos progressistas, dentro do movimento sionista e em organizações de esquerda da Palestina. Em um segundo momento, busca-se entender como o período compreendido entre a criação do Estado de Israel e o processo que levou aos Acordos de Oslo, nos anos 90, ao mesmo tempo silenciou o ideal binacional e criou as bases para seu ressurgimento na virada do século. Por fim, são analisadas, frente ao contexto israelo-palestino na atualidade, as perspectivas do ressurgimento de propostas binacionais, mais nítido entre jornalistas de esquerda, algumas figuras que fizeram ou fazem marginalmente parte da política institucional, intelectuais e acadêmicos adeptos de perspectivas críticas, assim como entre ativistas e movimentos sociais por direitos humanos envolvidos na região. / This Masters thesis aims to trace a history of the idea of a bi-national state for Arabs and Jews in historical Palestine. After laying out the specificities of a binational state, it reconstructs the circulation of the binational idea in the period before the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, among progressive Jews and Palestinian Arabs, in the Zionist movement, and among left-wing organizations in Palestine. In a second step, we we analize how the period between the establishment of the State of Israel and the peace process that led to the Oslo Accords, in the 90s, was marked by silence around the binational ideal while all the same laying the foundations for its revival at the turn of the 21st century. Finally, regarding todays Israeli-Palestinian context, we analyze the prospects of revival of binational proposals, focusing on left-wing journalists, a number of more or less marginal participants in institutional politics, some critical intellectuals and academic supporters, and among activists and social movements for human rights.

The aim of this thesis is to look at all the factors that affect not only the course of the Middle East conflict, but also internal and foreign policy of the United States. The aim is to describe the situation of the Middle East conflict and its links to the unflagging efforts and policies of the United States, especially in the last few years by U.S. President Barack Obama. The term Middle East conflict was for the purpose of this thesis reduced to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Obama administration's role in the peace process.

Nous mettons en exergue dans cette thèse le concept de système européen en politique étrangère (SEPE) comme outil pertinent afin d’analyser la politique étrangère européenne telle qu’elle fonctionne, et non pas telle qu’elle devrait fonctionner. Le SEPE – composé des politiques étrangères des États membres et de l’action extérieure de l’UE – met en valeur le dynamisme de la gouvernance européenne, issu des interactions entre ses différents agents et leur utilisation des normes européennes. A travers le SEPE, nous démontrons que la politique étrangère commune face à la solution de deux États s’explique par les usages que fait l’UE3 – la France, l’Allemagne et le Royaume-Uni – de l’UE en politique étrangère. Ces usages sont au nombre de trois : fonctionnel, réaliste et normatif. Nous montrons que l’adoption puis la promotion de la solution de deux Etats résultent de la manière dont ils se saisissent de l’UE afin de répondre à un contexte international difficile, de la Déclaration de Copenhague de 1973 au vote à l’Assemblée générale des Nations unies de 2012 concernant le statut de la Palestine. Le déploiement et test de divers outils de politique étrangère, tels que la position d’envoyé spécial en 1996, illustrent l’usage fonctionnel de l’UE. Les usages normatif et réaliste de l’UE envers les Palestiniens rendent compte de l’adoption de normes financières et politiques très contraignantes, reflétant les intérêts communs de l’UE3. Ces mêmes usages leur permettent de promouvoir la reconnaissance de l’Etat d’Israël, et d’autre part, de privilégier leurs intérêts stratégiques avec Israël au niveau bilatéral grâce à l’expression d’un linkage politique au niveau communautaire. / In this thesis we bring up the concept of European System in Foreign Policy (ESFP) as a pertinent tool to analyze the European Foreign Policy as it actually functions rather than as it should function. The ESFP – composed of the Member States’ foreign policies and the External action of the EU – highlights the dynamism of the European governance in foreign policy, which arises from the interactions between the agents of this system and their use of the European norms. Through the ESFP, we demonstrate that the EU’s common policy towards the two-State solution can be explained by the usages of the EU in foreign policy by France, Germany and the United-Kingdom – the EU3. These strategic usages are threefold: a functional or reflexive, a realist and a normative usage. We show that the adoption and the promotion of the two-State solution result from the way they seize upon the EU in order to cope with a difficult international context, since the Declaration of Copenhagen in 1973 to the vote at the General Assembly of the United Nations in 2012 concerning the new status of Palestine. The introduction and test of several foreign policy tools, as the position of special envoy in 1996, illustrate the functional usage of the EU. The normative and realist usages of the EU towards the Palestinians explain the adoption of constraining financial and political norms reflecting the common interests of the EU3. These same usages allow them to promote the recognition of the State of Israel on the one hand, and on the other hand, to privilege their strategic interests with Israel at the bilateral level through the expression of a political linkage at the community level.

Diante de um conflito que se estende por muitas décadas, como é o caso do israelense-palestino, um rastro de dor marca vidas e parece não deixar muito espaço para a esperança. Ao registrar o testemunho de mães a respeito de sua história de vida e experiência emocional diante da realidade violenta em que vivem, busquei, a um só tempo, lhes escutar a voz, tantas vezes silenciada e, da humanidade de seus relatos, extrair uma centelha que fosse de possibilidade de transformação. No campo da Psicologia Política, é da intersecção entre a Teoria Feminista e o Estudo das Emoções que desenho meu olhar e na História Oral traço o caminho. Mas esta jornada teve início muito antes, e é nos registros pessoais de mulheres que busco preencher espaços vazios das narrativas históricas tradicionais. E, contrariamente à lógica do conflito que não vê lugar para mais de uma perspectiva, exploro, apesar das assimetrias, todos os pontos de vista que consigo alcançar, a fim de propor, não uma solução, pois esta não me caberia, mas um meio fértil para seu desenvolvimento. / Faced with a conflict that extends itself for many decades, as is the case of the Israeli- Palestinian, a trail of pain marks lives, and does not seem to leave much room for hope. By recording the testimony of mothers about their life history and emotional experience in face of the violent reality in which they live, I sought, at one and the same time, to listen to their, so often silenced voice and their stories\' humanity, to draw a spark of possibility of transformation. From the intersection between Feminist Theory and the Study of Emotions in the field of Political Psychology, I draw my gaze, and in Oral History I trace the path. But this journey began much earlier, and it is on women\'s personal records that I seek to fill empty spaces of traditional historical narratives. And contrary to the logic of conflict that sees no place for more than one perspective, I explore, despite the asymmetries, all the points of view that I can attain, in order to propose, not a solution, for it would not be up to me, but a fertile environment for its growth.

Wind resource assessment studies have been conducted in the Israeli side and the Palestinian side before; however, the previous studies were restricted with the political border either Palestinian or Israeli except one of them that was based on measurements dated to 1940-1983 (R. Shabbaneh & A. Hasan, 1997). Moreover, the studies were performed years ago, with simple techniques and based on old data (R. Shabbaneh & A. Hasan, 1997). Hence, the needs for a new study that is based on updated data, and using updated model is highly demanded. This study is intended to perform wind resource assessment in Palestine/Israel; the study has used two stages of assessment, primary one based on reference station data on both sides, Israeli and Palestinian. The second stage of wind resource assessment is based on WindPRO software. The wind resource assessment ends up with identifying sites with higher potential that are situated in four selected sites, North of Palestine/Israel, North of West-bank, Jerusalem, and Eilat, the higher potential was in Eilat area bearing mean wind speed of 9.88m/s at 100 m hub height.Moreover, the study recognized the importance of political situation assessment due to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Based on conducted survey, the political situation assessment concluded that international non-governmental organizations seem to be most capable of starting up wind power project in Palestine/Israel. Furthermore, the study concluded that supportive policies from both the Israeli and Palestinian governments are crucial to promote wind power projects in the region.

自十九世紀中葉，猶太人第一次遷徙到巴勒斯坦，已經過一百五十餘年。猶太民族與世居巴勒斯坦的阿拉伯人，原本還算和睦相處。惟隨著歐洲民族主義的復興，猶太人在受到歐洲人迫害後，亦隨之興起在巴勒斯坦建國的思想。猶太復國主義崛起（Zionism），巴勒斯坦的歷史，從此展開了新頁。 猶太人自廿世紀第二次遷徙至巴勒斯坦後，採取激進的屯墾措施，以巧取豪奪的方法自巴人手中不斷取得土地，擴大版圖，排除在佃地世代務農的巴勒斯坦農民，改僱猶太人，造成佃農生活難以為繼，紛爭於是展開，難以平息，逐漸惡化成衝突，最後導至1936年巴人大規模反抗行動，以巴衝突正式展開，直至二十一世紀。 本論文從歷史發展的脈絡來分析四方路徑圖所提出的解決方案，首先研究自1948至1990年來，在以色列佔領下，以巴衝突的特質（第二章）。其次研究自1991至2002年，第一次巴勒斯坦人民起義後，奧斯陸原則宣言至美國大衛營談判破裂，以巴雙方在終止占領、建立自治政府、移轉權力、交還土地(包含屯墾區)等四方面的履行的情形，來觀察以色列在締結和平協定背後的戰略意圖（第三章）。再研究第二次巴勒斯坦人民起義後，由美國領導，歐盟、俄羅斯及聯合國四方共同參與的四方路徑圖，其所提出的兩國方案，是否可以消弭以巴衝突，從而建立雙方和平。其中值得注意的是以色列所採取的兩手策略：─面進行和平談判，一面準備單方隔離計畫。並對路徑圖未來可能的發展提出看法（第四章）。 最後的結論是四方路徑圖所提出的兩國方案似難解決以巴間長期衝突，而達成和平，將來可能的發展是一國方案（第五章）。 / In mid-nineteenth century, the first wave (aliyah) of Jews started to immigrate to Palestine. Jewish immigrants and indigenous Palestinians were getting along peacefully in Palestine at the outset. But after a spate of nationalism rose in Europe, Jews became the persecuted. Political Zionism thrived among Jews, which initiated the idea of building their own state in Palestine. A new chapter in the history of Palestine was written. Jewish immigrants to Palestine since the second aliyah were much more progressive. They were particularly interested in establishing a Jewish state and hoped to create Jewish settlements independently worked by Jewish farm laborers. This land buying policy led to tensions with Palestinian peasants, who were unable to find work among the new immigrant communities. Numerous land disputes deteriorated into tension between the two communities, as more Palestinians were displaced by Jewish land buying policy. Unemployed Palestinians became increasingly hostile towards the Zionists. At last, the first Arab revolt burst out in 1936. From there, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict began and has continued into the 21st century. The thesis analyses the solutions of the Road Map to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the context of history. It studies first the characteristics of the conflict from 1948 to 1990 (Chapter One). Then, it observes the past record of the peace process from 1991 to 2002 by the two sides through implementations of DOP, until the collapse of the Camp David Talks that caused the second intifada. By reviewing the past record of peace in contrast with its implementations regarding ending Israeli occupation, building a Palestinian self-government (PNA), transfer of powers and land (including Israeli settlements) to the PNA, one is able to realize the Israeli strategic intentions hidden behind those peace agreements (Chapter Three). Next, the thesis studies the two-state formula proposed by the US-led Quartet Road Map (the US, the EU, Russia and the UN), to understand its feasibility to solve the second intifada and build peace. It should be noted that Israel took a two-handed strategy: preparing for a disengagement plan while negotiating for peace. An appraisal of the future prospect of the Road Map is included in this chapter (Chapter Four). The conclusion of the thesis is that the Quartet Road Map could not solve the prolonged Israeli-Palestinian conflict and reach a sustained peace between the two peoples. Future development of the conflict may result in a one-state solution (Chapter Five).

This research aims at finding how BBC and AJE media represented the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The study examines the news website, which reported the recent escalation of Jerusalem conflict in December 2017, where US President Trump have recognized Jerusalem as Israeli capital, and declared to move the US embassy from Tel-Aviv to Jerusalem. The study uses qualitative research, where it investigated the impact of ideology on media discourse by means of critical discourse analysis (DHA, Topoi, and Social actor’s representation). CDA was carried out for a sample of 8 news articles published on the websites of two networks: the British Broadcasting Corporation World news "BBCWN" and the Middle Eastern Qatari owned "Al Jazeera English". The articles were chosen within the month of December 2017. Articles were analyzed by means of the two-level analysis method, including the thematic and in-depth analysis. On the first, entry-level analysis, I focus on contents of texts and outline the discourse topics. While in the second phase I analyze the means of discursive strategies and the representation of social actors utilized throughout the text. The thematic analysis revealed that, both BBC and AJE have covered the incident similarly in general look. However, in-depth analysis showed that each network had portrayed the images of Israelis and Palestinians differently. On contrast of AJE, BBC tends to perceive Palestinians as a threat and the Israeli one as victims of the Palestinian violation. Moreover, the analysis revealed that each network had different ideologies and aims. The study concludes that AJE articles was biased pro-Palestinians, while BBC articles was biased pro-Israelis.

Este trabalho analisa a criação e manutenção dos espaços de diálogo não oficial entre as sociedades israelense e palestina após o fracasso do Processo de Paz de Oslo. Sendo que a atuação da sociedade civil foi considerada fator fundamental para o início das negociações na década de 1990, a pesquisa investiga como a falência das conversas oficiais afetou o movimento pela paz. Em particular, foca nos desafios enfrentados por organizações da sociedade civil - OSCs, que promovem diálogo em vistas à resolução do conflito e nas estratégias que usam para lidar com eles. Os resultados apresentados são produto de uma pesquisa qualitativa, conduzida durante dez semanas em Israel e na Cisjordânia, com oito organizações locais. Os desafios levantados pela pesquisa são: 1) senso de desesperança de que o conflito ainda possa ser resolvido leva a um alcance mínimo de pessoas pelo movimento pela paz; 2) barreiras físicas e psicossociais tornam escassos os espaços compartilhados e os indivíduos mais resistentes ao diálogo; 3) debate sobre antinormalização na sociedade palestina vê diálogo como normalização e ativistas pela paz como \"agentes do inimigo\"; 4) pressão a OSCs e ativistas pela paz em Israel por meio de leis e propostas de leis, desacreditando-os e rotulando-os como \"agentes estrangeiros\", trabalhando por interesses contrários aos do Estado. Diante das dificuldades, conclui-se que o papel do diálogo não oficial é marginal e praticamente irrelevante para a retomada de negociações. No entanto, as estratégias usadas pelas OSCs mostram que o diálogo possui enorme potencial diante do atual impasse político, como espaço derradeiro em que as sociedades podem se encontrar e estabelecer relações de confiança, tolerância e respeito mútuo, primordiais para qualquer processo de paz. / The present study analyzes the creation and maintenance of spaces for unofficial dialogue between Israeli and Palestinian societies after the failure of the Oslo Peace Process. Civil society was considered a key factor in starting negotiations in the 1990s. From that, the research investigates how the crash of official talks affected the peace movement. In particular, it focuses on the challenges faced by civil society organizations - CSOs, promoting dialogue in order to solve the conflict and the strategies they use to deal with them. The findings are the result of a qualitative research conducted over 10 weeks in Israel and the West Bank with eight local organizations. The main challenges pointed by the research are: 1) a sense of hopelessness that the conflict can still be solved leads to a minimum reach of people by the peace movement; 2) physical and psychosocial barriers make shared spaces scarce and individuals more resistant to dialogue; 3) the anti-normalization debate in Palestinian society sees dialogue as normalization and peace activists as \"agents of the enemy\"; 4) pressure on CSOs and peace activists in Israel through laws and bills, delegitimizing them and labeling them as \"foreign agents\", working for interests contrary to the State. In the face of difficulties, it is concluded that the role of unofficial dialogue is marginal and practically irrelevant for the resumption of negotiations. However, the strategies used by the CSOs shows that dialogue has enormous potential in the face of the current political impasse, as the ultimate space in which societies can meet and establish relationships of trust, tolerance and mutual respect, which are paramount to any peace process.

A presente dissertação de mestrado tem por objetivo traçar uma história da ideia de um Estado binacional para árabes e judeus na Palestina histórica. O estudo busca, após definir as especificidades de um Estado binacional, compreender a circulação da ideia binacional no período anterior à criação do Estado de Israel, em 1948, entre judeus e árabes-palestinos progressistas, dentro do movimento sionista e em organizações de esquerda da Palestina. Em um segundo momento, busca-se entender como o período compreendido entre a criação do Estado de Israel e o processo que levou aos Acordos de Oslo, nos anos 90, ao mesmo tempo silenciou o ideal binacional e criou as bases para seu ressurgimento na virada do século. Por fim, são analisadas, frente ao contexto israelo-palestino na atualidade, as perspectivas do ressurgimento de propostas binacionais, mais nítido entre jornalistas de esquerda, algumas figuras que fizeram ou fazem marginalmente parte da política institucional, intelectuais e acadêmicos adeptos de perspectivas críticas, assim como entre ativistas e movimentos sociais por direitos humanos envolvidos na região. / This Masters thesis aims to trace a history of the idea of a bi-national state for Arabs and Jews in historical Palestine. After laying out the specificities of a binational state, it reconstructs the circulation of the binational idea in the period before the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, among progressive Jews and Palestinian Arabs, in the Zionist movement, and among left-wing organizations in Palestine. In a second step, we we analize how the period between the establishment of the State of Israel and the peace process that led to the Oslo Accords, in the 90s, was marked by silence around the binational ideal while all the same laying the foundations for its revival at the turn of the 21st century. Finally, regarding todays Israeli-Palestinian context, we analyze the prospects of revival of binational proposals, focusing on left-wing journalists, a number of more or less marginal participants in institutional politics, some critical intellectuals and academic supporters, and among activists and social movements for human rights.

Quelques critiques universitaires ont été écrites sur des spectacles récents prenant pour thématique le conflit israélo-palestinien, mais il n’existe pas d’étude d’ensemble à ce sujet. Par ailleurs, depuis le début des années 2000, plusieurs recherches se sont attachées à préciser les relations qu’entretiennent le théâtre et la politique. Cette thèse vise à approfondir cette réflexion à partir des transferts culturels d’œuvres israéliennes et palestiniennes vers la France, des années 1970 à nos jours.Pour ce faire la méthodologie mise en œuvre articule historiographie du théâtre, histoire des représentations théâtrales et étude du champ de production culturelle en diachronie. Elle a permis de mettre en évidence la persistance de l’Orientalisme renforcé par le déphasage historique entre la France et Israël et l’inégal développement entre la France et la Palestine. La représentation théâtrale peut offrir un espace de résistance aux assignations identitaires subies par les artistes d’Israël et de Palestine, ou bien reproduire les rapports de domination lisibles à travers le degré de légitimité des dramaturg(i)es. La thèse rappelle la complexité des rapports de domination qui ne sont pas réductibles au racisme ou à un « choc de civilisations » mais relèvent d’une hégémonie culturelle entretenue par les institutions théâtrales et universitaires, et critiques dramatiques. Ces instances de légitimation sont analysées ici en tant que productrices d’un discours idéologique dont l’étude remet en question la posture de neutralité qui accompagne l’autonomie de l’art. / In a limited scope, academic critiques have been written on recent productions on the theme of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, still there exists no comprehensive study on the subject. Additionally, several studies have focused on clarifying the relationship between theatre and politics since the early 2000s. The thesis aims to expand on this line of thought, deriving from cultural transfers of Israeli and Palestinian works to France, from the 1970s to the present day.The methodology implemented articulates theatre historiography, history of theatrical performances and the study of the cultural production field in diachrony. The methodology allowed for the highlighting of the persistence of Orientalism, reinforced by the historic phase-shift between France and Israel and the unequal development between France and Palestine. The theatrical performance can either offer a space of resistance to the identity assignements suffered by artists from Israel and Palestine, or can reproduce domination relations that are legible through the degree of legitimacy of the theatre performances and performers. The thesis evokes the complexity of relations of dominance that are not reducible to racism or a "clash of civilizations" but are a cultural hegemony maintained by theatrical and academic institutions, and drama reviewer. These instances of legitimation are analyzed here as producers of an ideological discourse, the study of which challenges the posture of neutrality that accompanies the autonomy of art.