La présente recherche vise à ajouter la vision et l’expérience de vie des buveurs autochtones à la littérature anthropologique portant sur ces derniers. La documentation publiée à ce jour démontre un lien entre les habitudes de consommation d’alcool chez les autochtones et les conséquences de siècles de perturbations coloniales. Toutefois, la perception qu’ont les buveurs autochtones demeure absente de ces ouvrages d’analyse. Des entrevues, des observations participatives et des analyses par les médias locaux ont été menées entre 2010 et 2011 dans la communauté crie (eeyou) de Chisasibi, au Québec, auprès de membres répondants de la communauté prenant part à un large éventail d’habitudes relatives à l’alcool. Une attention particulière a été portée aux Eeyouch âgés de 18 à 60 ans se définissant eux-mêmes comme des buveurs d’alcool. Une approche phénoménologique axée sur l’expérience vécue et sur les concepts d’agentivité et de corporéité a été utilisée pour démontrer la manière dont les buveurs interagissent avec les idées et les personnes pour donner un sens à leurs expériences et à leurs identités. La possession et la consommation d’alcool sont interdites à Chisasibi et l’opinion générale au sein de la communauté est que l’alcool est à la fois un résultat et un facteur de perturbation sociale et culturelle. La recherche a démontré que de nombreux membres de la communauté craignent d’interagir avec des individus en état d’ébriété, tout en ressentant de la compassion à leur égard en raison des traumatismes intergénérationnels qu’ils ont vécus. Les participants à la recherche qui se sont définis comme des buveurs actuels ou anciens ont exprimé des sentiments positifs associés à la consommation d’alcool et à l’ivresse, tout en reconnaissant que leurs raisons de boire découlaient d’émotions douloureuses liées aux effets de la colonisation sur leur communauté et leurs familles. Au cours des observations participatives et des entrevues, ces participants ont exprimé une certaine prise de décision par rapport à leur choix de boire; la plupart d’entre eux ont estimé qu’ils avaient le droit et la capacité de choisir, et beaucoup considèrent qu’une consommation responsable demeure possible. En outre, lorsqu’ils décident d’arrêter ou de réduire leur consommation d’alcool, ils mesurent la moralité de leurs actions par rapport aux normes et aux valeurs locales. Malgré l’opinion populaire selon laquelle les gens ne sont pas eux-mêmes lorsqu’ils sont ivres, ils ont revendiqué la responsabilité de leur choix de boire et de leurs actions lorsqu’ils étaient ivres. Enfin, ces participants se sont qualifiés eux-mêmes en termes qui allaient au-delà de celui de buveur et qui étaient axés sur le maintien de la culture eeyoue, l’épanouissement spirituel ou religieux, les rôles familiaux et la réussite professionnelle. / This research aimed to add the perspectives and life experiences of Indigenous drinkers to the anthropological literature on Indigenous drinking. Existing literature demonstrates links between current rates and patterns of drinking and centuries of colonial disruption. However, the perspectives of drinkers are largely absent from these analyses. Interviews, participant-observation, and an analysis of local media were conducted in the Eeyou (Cree) community of Chisasibi, Quebec, from 2010 to 2011 with interested community members of all drinking statuses. A focus was placed on the experiences of Eeyouch between the ages of 18 and 60 who identified as current or former drinkers. A phenomenological approach, focusing on lived experience, and the concepts of agency and embodiment were employed to demonstrate the ways in which drinkers interact with ideas and people to give meaning to their experiences and identities. Possession and consumption of alcohol are banned in Chisasibi, and the dominant community view is that alcohol is both a result of and contributor to social and cultural disruption. Research demonstrated that many community members feared interacting with drunken individuals while expressing compassion toward them due to their own experiences of inter-generational trauma. Research participants who identified as current and former drinkers expressed positive feelings associated with drinking and drunkenness, while recognizing that their reasons for drinking stemmed from painful emotions related to the impacts of colonization on their community and families. During both participant-observation and interviews, these participants expressed a sense of volition in relation to their choice to drink; most participants felt that they had the right and capacity to choose, and many felt that responsible drinking was possible. Further, when deciding whether to quit or reduce their drinking, they measured the morality of their actions against local norms and values. Despite the popular view that people are not themselves when drunk, they claimed responsibility for both their choice to drink and actions performed while drunk. Finally, these participants expressed identities that went beyond that of “drunk” and that focused on the maintenance of Eeyou culture, spiritual or religious fulfilment, familial roles, and professional achievement. / ᐆ ᑎᐹᒋᒧᐧᐃᓐ ᐋᐦ ᒌᐦ ᒥᒫᐅᐦᑐᓂᑭᓂᐧᐃᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐋᐦ ᒌᐦ ᓈᓂᑐᑭᒋᔅᒑᔨᐦᑖᑭᓂᐧᐃᒡ ᐋᐅᒄ ᐊᓐ ᑳ ᒥᓯᓂᐦᐄᑭᓂᐧᐃᒡ ᑖᓐ ᐊᓐ ᐋᑎ ᐃᔅᐱᔨᒡ ᐄᔨᔨᐅᐱᒫᑎᓯᐧᐃᓐ ᐅᐦᒋ ᐋᐦ ᒥᓂᐦᐧᑳᒡ ᐊᐧᐋᓂᒌ᙮ ᑖᓐ ᐊᓐ ᐋᑎ ᐃᔅᐱᔨᐦᐄᐧᐋᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐋᑎ ᐄᔑᓈᑯᐦᐄᐧᐋᒡ ᐊᓅᐦᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐊᓂᑖᐦ ᐹᒋ ᐅᑖᐦᒡ ᐅᐦᒋ ᐊᓐ ᒥᓂᐦᐧᑳᐧᐃᓐ ᓂᓈᐦᑭᐤ ᐋᐦ ᐄᔑᓈᑯᓂᔨᒡ᙮ ᓂᒧᐃ ᒫᒃ ᓈᔥᒡ ᒥᐦᒑᑐᐧᐃᒡ, ᒥᔥᑎᐦ ᓂᒥ ᐃᐦᑖᐧᐃᒡ ᐊᓂᒌ ᐊᐧᐋᓂᒌ ᐋᐦ ᒌᐦ ᓂᔅᑯᒧᒡ ᒑ ᐧᐄᒋᐦᐄᐧᐋᒡ ᑖᓐ ᐊᓐ ᐋᐦ ᐃᔑ ᐊᔨᐧᒫᐅᐦᐄᐧᐋᒡ ᐅᑎᐦ ᐆ ᐋᐦ ᒌᐦ ᐃᔑ ᓈᓂᑐᑭᒋᔅᒑᔨᐦᑖᑭᓂᐧᐃᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐋᐦ ᒌᐦ ᓄᑯᐦᑖᑭᓂᐧᐃᒡ ᒥᒄ ᐅᑎᐦ ᐄᔨᔨᐅᐃᐦᑖᐧᐃᓂᐦᒡ, ᒋᓵᓰᐲ, ᑯᐯᒃ, 2010 ᐲᐦᐃᒻ 2011᙮ ᐊᓂᒌ ᐊᐧᐋᓂᒌ ᓈᔥᒡ ᑳ ᑭᓂᐧᐋᐱᒫᑭᓂᐧᐃᒡ ᐋᐅᑯᓂᐦᒡ ᐊᓂᒌ 18 ᐲᐦᐃᒻ 60 ᐋᐦ ᐄᐦᑐᐱᐳᐧᓈᓯᒡ, ᐊᓂᒌ ᑭᔨᐧᐹ ᒫᐧᑳᒡ ᐋᐦ ᒥᓂᐦᐧᑳᓰᐧᐃᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᒫᒃ ᐊᓂᒌ ᐧᐋᔥᑭᒡ ᔖᔥ ᐋᐦ ᒌᐦ ᐹᒋ ᐋᐱᒋᐦᑖᒡ ᐃᔅᑯᑖᐧᐋᐳᐃᔨᐤ᙮ ᐊᓐ ᒫᒃ ᒋᔥᒋᓂᐧᐋᒡ ᐋᐦ ᓄᑯᐦᒡ ᐊᓐ ᑭᔨᐧᐹ ᐋᑎ ᐄᔅᐱᔨᐦᐄᐧᐋᒡ ᐊᓐ ᒥᓂᐦᐧᑳᐧᐃᓐ, ᑖᓂᑖᐦ ᑳ ᒫᒃ ᒑ ᒌᐦ ᐄᔑᑳᐳᐧᐃᔥᑎᑭᓂᐧᐃᒡ ᒥᒄ ᐋᐦ ᑭᓂᐧᐋᐱᐦᑖᑭᓂᐧᐃᒡ ᐊᓐ ᑖᓐ ᐧᐋᒋᐦᒡ ᓂᐦᐋᐤ ᐋᐦ ᐃᔅᐱᔨᐦᐄᐧᐋᒡ ᐊᓐ ᐅᐦᒋ ᒥᓂᐦᐧᑳᐧᐃᓐ ᑭᔮᐦ ᑖᓂᑖᐦ ᒑ ᒌᐦ ᐃᔨᐦᑎᓈᓂᐧᐃᒡ ᐋᐦ ᐧᐄᐦ ᐧᐄᒋᐦᐄᐧᐋᐱᔨᒡ ᒑ ᒌᐦ ᒌᐦᑳᓈᑯᐦᒡ ᐋᐦ ᐋᐱᑎᔒᔥᑖᑭᐧᐃᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐋᐦ ᐧᐋᐱᐦᑖᑭᓂᐧᐃᒡ ᑖᓐ ᐋᐦ ᐄᔑᑳᐳᐧᐃᔥᑎᐦᒡ ᐊᓂᒌ ᐋᐦ ᐋᐱᒋᐦᑖᒡ ᐃᔥᑯᑖᐧᐋᐳᐃᔨᐤ᙮ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐊᓂᒌ ᑯᑎᑭᒡ ᐊᐧᐋᓂᒌ ᑖᓂᑖᐦ ᐋ ᐃᔑ ᒦᐧᐋᒡ ᒋᔅᒑᔨᐦᑎᒧᐧᐃᓂᔨᐤ ᑖᓂᔮ ᑳ ᐃᔅᐱᔨᐦᐄᑯᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐧᐃᔨᐧᐋᐤ᙮ ᐊᓂᑎᐦ ᒫᒃ ᐃᐦᑖᐧᐃᓐ ᒋᓵᓰᐲ ᓂᒧᐃ ᓈᔥᑎᔨᒡ ᓂᑎᐧᐋᔨᐦᑖᑯᓯᐤ ᐊᐧᐋᓐ ᐋᐦ ᐋᐱᒋᐦᑖᑦ ᐃᔥᑯᑖᐧᐋᐳᐃᔨᐤ ᑭᔮᐦ ᒑ ᐊᑎ ᓂᓄᑯᐦᐄᓱᒡ ᐊᓂᑖᐦ ᒥᒄ ᐋᑎ ᐃᔨᐦᑖᑦ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐊᓐ ᐄᔨᔨᐅᐃᐦᑖᐧᐃᓐ ᐋᑯᑖᐦ ᐋᔑ ᑭᓂᐧᐋᐱᐦᑎᑭᓂᐧᐃᒡ ᐃᔥᑯᑖᐧᐋᐳᔨᐤ ᓈᔥᒡ ᐋᐦ ᐅᓈᒋᐦᑖᐱᔨᒡ᙮ ᐋᐅᒄ ᒫᒃ ᐧᐋᐦᒋ ᐋᑳ ᓂᑎᐧᐋᔨᐦᑖᑯᐦᒡ ᐊᓐ ᐃᔥᑯᑖᐧᐋᐳᐃ ᒑ ᐱᔨᐦᑖᐱᔨᒡ ᐊᓂᑎᐦ ᐄᔨᔨᐅᐃᐦᑖᐧᐃᓂᐦᒡ᙮ ᐊᓐ ᒫᒃ ᑳ ᐃᔑ ᒥᔅᑭᐧᐋᐦᑖᑭᓂᐧᐃᒡ ᑳ ᓈᓂᑐᒋᔅᒑᔨᐦᑖᑭᓂᐧᐃᒡ, ᐋᐦ ᓄᑯᐦᒡ ᒥᐦᒑᑐ ᐊᐧᐋᓂᒌ ᐊᓂᑎᐦ ᐃᐦᑖᐧᐃᓂᐦᒡ ᐋᑳ ᐧᐃᔨᐦᑖᐧᐹᐅᒑᔨᒫᒡ ᐊᓂᔮᐦ ᐊᐧᐋᔨᐤᐦ ᐋᐦ ᐋᐱᒋᐦᑖᔨᒡ ᒥᓂᐦᐧᑳᐧᐃᓂᔨᐤ ᐋᐦ ᐧᐄᐦ ᐊᔨᒥᐦᐄᑯᐧᑖᐤ ᐅᐦᒋ ᐊᓂᔮ ᐧᐄᐧᐋᐤ ᑳ ᐃᔑ ᐹᒋ ᓂᑎᔥᑭᐦᒡ ᐧᐄᐧᐋᐤ ᐊᓂᑖᐦ ᐹᒋ ᐅᑖᐦᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᒫᒃ ᐊᓂᔮᔨᐤ ᑳ ᐄᑖᔨᒧᒡ ᐅᐦᒋ ᒥᓂᐦᐧᑳᐧᐃᓂᔨᐤ ᑭᔮᐦ ᒫᒃ ᑯᑎᒋᔨᐤ ᒑᐧᑳᔨᐤ᙮ ᐊᓂᒌ ᒫᒃ ᑳ ᐧᐄᒋᐦᐄᐧᐋᒡ ᐅᔮ ᑳ ᐃᔑ ᓈᓂᑐᒋᔅᒑᔨᐦᑖᑭᓂᐧᐃᒡ ᐊᓂᒌ ᑳ ᐹᒋ ᒋᔅᒑᔨᐦᑖᑯᓯᒡ ᐋᐦ ᐋᐱᒋᐦᑖᑦ ᒥᓂᐦᐧᑳᐧᐃᓂᔨᐤ ᑭᔮᐦ ᒫᒃ ᐊᓂᒌ ᐋᔥᒄ ᒥᓂᐦᐧᑳᓯᐤ ᐋ ᐄᑎᐧᐋᑖᑭᓂᐅᐧᐃᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐋᐦ ᒌᐦ ᐧᐄᐦᑎᐦᒡ ᐋᐦ ᐄᑖᔨᐦᑎᒥᐦᐄᑯᒡ ᐋᐦ ᒥᓂᐦᐧᑳᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᒫᐧᑳᒡ ᐋᐦ ᒌᔥᐧᑳᐹᒡ ᐋᑯᑎᐦ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐧᐋᐦᑎᐦᒡ, ᐧᐃᔮᐱᐦᑎᔨᐧᐋᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᑯᑎᑭᒡ ᐄᐦᐱᓂᐦᒡ ᐋᐦ ᐋᐦᑯᐦᐄᑯᒡ ᒑᐧᑳᔨᐤ ᐊᓂᑎᐦ ᐅᐱᒫᑎᓰᐧᐃᓂᐧᐋᐦᒡ ᐅᐦᒋ ᐊᓂᑎᐦ ᐅᐹᔨᑯᑖᐅᓯᐧᐃᓂᐧᐋᐦᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᒫᒃ ᑯᑎᒋᔨᐤ ᒑᐧᑳᔨᐤ ᐋᐦ ᒌᐦ ᐃᔅᐱᔨᐦᐄᑯᒡ ᐊᓂᑎᐦ ᐅᐱᒫᑎᓯᐧᐃᓂᐧᐋᐦᒡ᙮ ᐊᔨᐧᒫᐅᐦᐄᐧᐋᐤ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐅᑎᐦ ᑎᐹᒋᒧᐧᐃᓂᐦᒡ, ᒫᐧᑳᒡ ᒫᒃ ᑳ ᑭᓂᐧᐋᐱᒫᑭᓂᐧᐃᐧᐃᒡ ᐊᓂᒌ ᑳ ᐧᐄᒋᐦᐄᐧᐋᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐊᓂᒌ ᑳ ᐊᔨᒥᐦᐋᑭᓂᐧᐃᐧᐃᒡ, ᐅᒌ ᒫᒃ ᐊᐧᐋᓂᒌ ᐱᔥᒡ ᒌᐦ ᓄᑯᐦᑖᐧᐃᒡ ᒋᓯᐧᐋᓱᐧᐃᓂᔨᐤ ᑭᔮᐦ ᒌ ᐧᐄᐦᑎᒧᒡ ᐧᐄᐧᐋᐤ ᐋᐦ ᒌᐦ ᐄᑖᔨᐦᑎᐦᒡ ᒑ ᐅᑎᓂᐦᒡ ᐊᓂᔮᐦ ᐃᔥᑯᑖᐧᐋᐳᐃᔨᐤ ᓵᐦᒑᐃ᙮ ᑰᑎᑭᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐊᐧᐋᓂᒌ ᐊᔨᐧᒫᐅᐦᐄᐧᐋᐧᐃᒡ ᐋᐦ ᐄᑖᔨᐦᑎᐦᒡ ᐋᑳ ᐅᔮᔑᓂᔨᒡ ᐃᔥᑯᑖᐧᐋᐳᐃᔨᐤ ᐋᐦ ᐋᐱᑎᓂᔨᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᒥᒄ ᑖᓐ ᐧᐋᐦ ᐃᔥᐱᔥ ᒥᓂᐦᐧᑳᔮᐦᒡ ᐋᐦ ᐄᑖᔨᐦᑎᐦᒡ᙮ ᒦᓐ ᒫᒃ ᐊᑎᑎᐤ ᐧᐄᐦᑖᑯᓐ ᑭᔮᐦ ᑯᑎᑭᒡ ᐊᐧᐋᓂᒌ ᐋ ᐃᔑ ᒥᔥᑭᐧᐃᐧᐋᐦᑖᑭᓂᐧᐃᒡ ᐧᐄᐧᐋᐤ ᓵᐦᒑᐃ ᐋᐦ ᐄᑖᔨᐦᑎᐦᒡ ᐋᑳ ᐧᐄᐦ ᐋᐱᒋᐦᑖᒡ ᐊᓂᔮ ᐃᔥᑯᑖᐧᐋᐳᐃᔨᐤ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐊᓂᒌ ᐋᑳ ᓈᔥᒡ ᐧᐄᐦ ᐋᐱᒋᐦᑖᑦ ᐋᐦ ᑭᓂᐧᐋᐱᐦᑎᐦᒡ ᐅᑎᐦ ᐅᐱᒫᑎᓰᐧᐃᓂᐧᐋᐤ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐋᐦ ᒌᐦᑳᔮᐱᐦᑎᐦᒡ ᐧᐄᐧᐋᐤ ᑭᔮᐦ ᒫᒃ ᐊᓂᔮ ᐋᐦ ᐄᑎᔅᑳᓈᓯᒡ ᐋᐦ ᒋᓯᒑᔨᐦᑎᐦᐄᑯᒡ᙮ ᐋᑳ ᒫᒃ ᒫᑯᔥᑳᒑᒡ ᐊᓐ ᐋᐦ ᐃᔑ ᐧᐋᐱᐦᑖᑭᓂᐧᐃᒡ ᓄᑯᓐ ᐱᔥᒡ ᐋᑳ ᒋᔅᒋᓯᑦ ᑯᑎᒃ ᐊᐧᐋᓐ ᒫᐧᑳᒡ ᐋᐦ ᒋᒋᔥᑳᑯᑦ ᒥᓂᐦᐧᑳᐧᐃᓂᔨᐤ᙮ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐅᒌ ᑯᑎᒃ ᐊᐧᐋᓂᒌ ᓄᑯᓂᔨᐤ ᐋᐦ ᒋᔅᒑᔨᐦᑎᐦᒡ ᑖᓐ ᐋᐦ ᐄᑎᔅᑳᓈᓯᒡ ᑭᔮᐦ ᑭᔨᐧᐹ ᒑᓯᒑᔨᐦᑎᒥᐦᐄᑯᒡ ᐅᑎᐄᔨᔨᐅᐃᔨᐦᑎᐧᐃᓂᔨᐤᐦ, ᐅᑎᐊᔨᒥᐦᐋᐧᐃᓂᐧᐋᐤᐦ, ᐅᐹᔨᑯᑖᐅᓰᐧᐋᐧᐃᓂᐧᐋᐤᐦ ᑭᔮᐦ ᐅᑖᐱᑎᓰᐧᐃᓂᐧᐋᐤᐦ᙮

Two prominent historians, David Cannadine and Brad Gregory, have recently contended that history is distorted by overemphasis on human difference and division across time and space. This problem has been acute in studies of Native-Newcomer relations, where exaggeration of Native pre-contact stability and post-contact change further emphasized Native-Newcomer difference. Although questioned in economic, social and political spheres, emphasis on cultural difference persists. To investigate the problem, this study examined the Algonquian wihtiko (windigo), an apparent exemplar of Native-Newcomer difference and division. With a focus on the James Bay Cree, this study first probed the wihtiko phenomenon’s Native origins and meanings. It then examined post-1635 Newcomer encounters with this phenomenon: from the bush to public opinion and law, especially between 1815 and 1914, and in post-1820 academia. Diverse archives, ethnographies, oral traditions, and academic texts were consulted. The cannibal wihtiko evolved from Algonquian attempts to understand and control rare but extreme mental and moral failures in famine contexts. It attained mythical proportions, but fears of wihtiko possession, transformation and violence remained real enough to provoke pre-emptive killings even of family members. Wihtiko beliefs also influenced Algonquian manifestations and interpretations of generic mental and moral failures. Consciously or not, others used it to scapegoat, manipulate, or kill. Newcomers threatened by moral and mental failures attributed to the wihtiko often took Algonquian beliefs and practices seriously, even espousing them. Yet Algonquian wihtiko behaviours, beliefs and practices sometimes presented Newcomers with another layer of questions about mental and moral incompetence. Collisions arose when they discounted, misconstrued or asserted control over Algonquian beliefs and practices. For post-colonial critics, this has raised a third layer of questions about intellectual and moral incompetence. Yet some critics have also misconstrued earlier attempts to understand and control the wihtiko, or attributed an apparent lack of scholarly consensus to Western cultural incompetence or inability to grasp the wihtiko. In contrast, this study of wihtiko phenomena reveals deeper commonalities and continuities. They are obscured by the complex evolution of Natives’ and Newcomers’ struggles to understand and control the wihtiko. Yet hidden in these very struggles and the wihtiko itself is a persistent shared conviction that reducing others to objects of power signals mental and moral failure. The wihtiko reveals cultural differences, changes and divisions, but exemplifies more fundamental commonalities and continuities.

This thesis relies on an interdisciplinary framework to conduct an investigation of seminal national policies and planning processes in New Zealand and Quebec Province, Canada related to sovereignty, indigenous land rights, and customary land tenure systems. Theoretical frameworks for this research include a comparative analysis of European legislative systems and traditional planning frameworks in relation to indigenous governance systems and land tenure systems for the Maori (NZ) and James Bay Cree (QC). Through interviews and experiential knowledge I will document tools and techniques that these indigenous communities use to navigate complex cross-cultural policy and planning processes for their own advocacy of cultural heritage values. From the Maori perspective, cultural heritage values include the concept and principles of kaitikatanga. James Bay Cree cultural heritage values include the concept and guiding principles embedded in Eeyou Iyihtiwin. These cultural heritage values represent abstract concepts and guiding principles that are embedded in and gain meaning from local context, cultural knowledge and customary traditions. The Maori and James Bay Cree share a similar orientation to the meaning and importance of land. Together these indigenous communities view land as the foundation for collective and individual identity and cultural traditions. From this perspective and meaning of land, the Maori and James Bay Cree recognize that people are a part of a greater interconnected system that spans across physical and metaphysical spaces. In practice, native or customary land tenure systems are based on cultural heritage values that support a spirit of reciprocity with an underlying expectation that a balanced system will provide for all life. This analysis may provide a new cross-cultural framework for policy and planning processes to provide opportunities for fair negotiation of sustainable land tenure systems and natural resource management.