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This thesis is a case study of the impact of culture on the management of water resources and the conflict over their usage by opposing riparian entities in the Jordan River Basin. It provides an overview of the historical background to the resource conflict in the area and continues on to examine the development of management institutions. In particular, it examines the impact of Islamic law on the development of water laws and management, paying particular attention to the affect of Islamic law on water usage in Jordan and how in turn this affect is seen in its relations with neighboring states. Its purpose is to create an understanding, through cultural awareness, of the reasons behind the actions of particular states in reference to the cultural differences affecting their actions.

In 1989, Jordan chose to follow the track of democracy and open economy. From that time on, Jordan has embarked upon plans to reform its legal as well as economic and social structures. Continuous and serious efforts have been underway to enable Jordan to join the WTO (World Trade Organization) and become part of the new "economic global village". Many observers see this as a step to help Jordan materialize these plans and to help put it on a road that will inevitably lead to more freedom of choice and more competitiveness. / Opening the national markets means exposing the domestic industry and market to foreign competitors. In order to preserve the domestic economic and social fabrics, local industries have to gain the maximum efficiency and market width possible or they will go under. Such efficiency and investors' inducement can and should be encouraged through providing a "liberal" legal framework. Such a framework, applied to the field of corporate law, can impose market control over management's inefficiency, and give businesses the diversity they need to attract investors.

Why do some regimes enjoy more autonomy than others when taking foreign policy and alignment choices? How does the organization of state-society relations constrain or enable a regime's freedom to take foreign policy and alignment choices? What explains the overlap between the domestic and external security spheres of some states, but not others? Finally, how do the foreign policy and alignment choices of some regimes have domestic political origins, uses, and implications? / This study explores these theoretical questions through a comparative examination of the impact of the organization of state-society relations (the independent variable) on regime autonomy in taking foreign policy and alignment choices (the dependent variable) in King Hussein's Jordan and Hafiz al-Asad's Syria. In contrast to Jordan's overlapping security terrains, and the domestic political origins, uses, and implications of many of the Hashemite regime's foreign policy and alignment choices, in Asad's Syria these choices are responses to shifts in the external geopolitical environment. This study offers an explanation of the discrepancy between the Syrian regime's ability to ignore domestic constraints on foreign policy and alignment choices, due to its preoccupation with external sources of threat, compared to its Jordanian counterpart's inability to do so and, consequently, its preoccupation on many occasions with strictly domestic sources of threat. / This study bridges comparative politics and international relations theorizing, inviting a methodological shift away from the hitherto dominant neorealist tendency in the latter field, which anchors foreign policy and alignment choices in primarily external considerations and objectives. Borrowing from the literature on corporatism, populism, and historical institutionalism, this study also supplies a more rigorous methodology for investigating the relationship between the domestic structures of nondemocratic states and their foreign policy and alignment choices. More than a revision of neorealist theorizing, and in contrast to idiosyncratic, domestic structure, or constructivist approaches to the study of state behavior, this study contends that a contextual and historical analysis of the organization of state-society relations explains why regime autonomy to take foreign policy and alignment choices may be constrained in some states but not in others. Furthermore, and against neorealism's insistence on the external origins of foreign policy and alignment choices, this study also argues that on many occasions these choices have domestic political origins, uses, and implications. The implications of these conclusions on the study of Arab politics, and on the quest for a first-cut theory of state behavior, are also assessed.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Riverside, 2009. / Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 270-285). Issued in print and online. Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Dallas Theological Seminary, 2005. / Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 153-162).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Dallas Theological Seminary, 2005. / Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 153-162).

Dans cette thèse, on considère des revêtements séparables à deux ouverts de la droite projective sur un corps fini k de caractéristique p>0 et on donne un calcul explicite de la matrice du Frobenius divisé sur le premier espace de cohomologie de Rham de X_k, fibre spéciale du revêtement X étudié. On fournit également un procédé algorithmique permettant d'obtenir la décomposition de Jordan-Hölder du φ-module filtré associé à cette matrice. / We consider X some separable covering with two open set of the projective line on a finite field k of caracteristic p>0 and we give an explicit computation of the matrix of the divided Frobenius on the first de Rham cohomology space of X_k the special fiber of X. We also explain an algorithmic process to get the Jordan-Hölder decomposition of the φ-module associated to this matrix.

It is increasingly recognized that manpower planning and policies are a major component of a country's development efforts. The purpose of this study is to examine the labor market in Jordan and to identify the main determinants of employment (labor force) during the period from 1961 to 1987 in order to advise policy makers as to the best course of action to achieve full employment. This period was divided into two periods: 1961 to 1972 and 1973 to 1987 for comparative purposes. The socio-economic and political framework of the labor market, as well as the labor policies during the period were examined in an effort to determine the determinants affecting the labor market in the two periods. The findings of this study reveal that Jordan's labor market and policies over the last three decades have been influenced by changes and events not only in Jordan, but by changes and events in the entire region. The study also indicates that factors influencing the labor market differ under different conditions. The impact of the independent variables tested in this study differ between the two periods, 1961 to 1972 and 1973 to 1987. Policy which may serve the country's best interest during the time of instability and crisis may not be in the country's best interest in time of stability and peace.

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