Η παρούσα εργασία εστιάζει στην περιγραφή του φωνηεντικού συστήματος των Μιστιώτικων, - μιας Καππαδοκικής ποικιλίας που μιλιόταν στην περιοχή του Μιστί-, όπως αυτό διαμορφώνεται στις μέρες μας από διαφορετικές γενιές ομιλητών σε ένα μικτό προσφυγικό χωριό της Βόρειας Ελλάδας. Επιπλέον, πραγματοποείται μια σύγκριση ανάμεσα στο σημερινό φωνηεντικό σύστημα σε σχέση με το παλαιό της Καππαδοκικής διαλέκτου, όπως το έχει περιγράψει ο Dawkins (1916), και προτείνεται μια υπόθεση, η οποία έχει ως στόχο να εξηγήσει τις διαφορές που αναδεικνύονται μεταξύ τους, λαμβάνοντας υπ’όψιν τους γλωσσικούς μηχανισμούς και την επαφή διαλέκτων. Σύμφωνα με τον Dawkins (1916), το φωνηεντικό σύστημα της Καππαδοκικής διαλέκτου αποτελούνταν από οκτώ φωνήεντα. Εκτός από τα φωνήνετα [i,e,a,o,u], που έχει και η ελληνική, πραγματώνονταν και τα φωνήεντα [y,œ,ɯ], εξαιτιας της επαφής της διαλέκτου με την τουρκική γλώσσα. Αυτά τα φωνήεντα εμφανίζονταν κυρίως σε τούρκικα δάνεια, π.χ. Τ. karı 'γυναίκα'> [karɯ]• T. tütün > ‘καπνό’ [tytyn] (Janse 2009;2015), ενώ η παρουσία τους σε ελληνικές λέξεις ήταν σπάνια. Όμως, σύμφωνα με τα αποτελέσματα της έρευνας, φάνηκε ότι το τωρινό φωνηεντικό σύστημα αποκλίνει σημαντικά από αυτό που περιγράφουν προηγούμενες μελέτες. Τα τούρκικα φωνήεντα [y,œ,ɯ] έχουν σχεδόν εξαφανιστεί, κυρίως από την ομιλία των νέων. Την ίδια στιγμή όμως, ένα νέο φωνήεν έδειξε να έχει ενσωματωθεί στο σύστημα, το φωνήεν [æ], το οποίο εντοπίστηκε στο λόγο τόσο των ηλικιωμένων όσο και των νέων πληροφορητών. Με σκοπό να δωθεί μια εξήγηση για αυτές τις αλλαγές που παρατηρήθηκαν, υποστηρίζουμε ότι είναι αποτέλεσμα διαδικασιών γλωσσικής και διαλεκτικής επαφής. Συγκεκριμένα, θεωρούμε ότι τα φωνήεντα [y,œ,ɯ] βρίσκονται σε μια φάση εξάλειψης εξαιτίας της ενεργοποίησης του μηχανισμου εξομοίωσης, καθώς τα Μιστιώτικα ήρθαν σε επαφή με τα Ελληνικά και τα Ποντιακά μετά την ανταλλαγή των πληθυσμών και τα τούρκικα χαρακτηριστικά θεωρούνται γενικά στιγματιζμένα εδώ και δεκαετίες. Επιπρόσθετα, το φωνήεν [æ] υποθέτουμε ότι μπορεί να έχει υιοθετηθεί ως ένα εξέχων χαρακτηριστικό από την Ποντιακή διάλεκτο, κάτι που επίσης εκλαμβάνεται ως μια άλλη μορφή εξομοίωσης. / The aim of this study is to present the vowel system of Mišotika, –a varierty of Cappadocian that was spoken at Misti-, as it is spoken by different generations in a mixed refugee village in Northern Greece at the present day. Moreover, we compare this vowel system with the Cappadocian vowel system that has been described by Dawkins (1916), and we propose a hypothesis that aims to explain the differences that appear between these hundred years, taking into consideration mechanisms of language and dialect contact. According to Dawkins (1916), the vowel system of Cappadocian dialect consisted of eight vowels. Besides the Greek vowels [i,e,a,o,u], the dialect also had the vowels [y,œ,ɯ], presumably due to contact with the Turkish language. These vowels appeared mainly in Turkish loans, e.g. Turk. karı 'woman'> [karɯ]• Turk. tütün > ‘tobacco’ [tytyn] (Janse 2009;2015), while their presence in Greek words was rare. However, according to the results of our research, the current vowel system diverges significantly from what earlier studies have described. The vowels [y,œ,ɯ] are almost extinct, especially at the casual speech of the young adults. At the same time, a new realisation has emerged, i.e. the vowel [æ], which is evident in the speech of elders and young adults. In order to explain the above changes, we argue that they are result of language and dialect contact processes. In particular, the Turkish vowels [y,œ,ɯ] are in the process of elimination due to mechanism of levelling, as Mišótika has been in contact with Modern Greek and Pontic since the population exchange of the 1920s, and Turkish features were highly stigmatized for many decades. Similarly, the vowel [æ] has been adopted as a salient feature of the Pontic variety, which is also considered as another aspect of levelling.

<p>Abstract</p><p>This study investigates variable past tense marking patterns in an emerging variety of N.C. Hispanic English (n=44) spoken by language learners at three Length of Residency (LOR) groups in three schools in Durham, NC in terms of 1. lexical semantics (Andersen & Shirai 1996, Bayley 1999), 2. frequency (Guy & Erker 2012) 3. discourse structure (Bardovi-Harlig 1998) and 4. verb class and phonological environment (Wolfram 1985, Bayley 1994). Statistical results show significant effects of verb class, lexical aspect, and frequency and interacting effects of verb class and frequency (specifically, suppletives like copula are simultaneously highly frequent and highly phonetically salient). A subsample coded for the discourse factor shows some evidence for the correlation of copula and backgrounding function. A separate analysis of consonant cluster reduction patterns (CCR) demonstrates dialect acquisition of variable constraints (e.g. in terms of N.C. AAVE), namely phonological environment (_C > _V) and morphemic status (monomorpheme > bimorpheme). Pedagogical applications are discussed, including accurately identifying English Language Learners (ELLs) in the context of local/regional accommodation.</p> / Dissertation

This thesis is an investigation of case morphology in a mixed language, Gurindji Kriol. Gurindji Kriol is spoken by the Gurindji people in northern Australia. It fuses Gurindji, which is a member of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup of the Pama-Nyungan family, with Kriol, which is an English-lexifier creole spoken across the north of Australia. Gurindji Kriol exhibits a structural split between the NP and VP systems, but is lexically quite mixed. Kriol provides much of the verbal grammar including tense and mood auxiliaries, and transitive, aspect and derivational morphology. Most of the NP structure is of Gurindji origin including case and derivational morphology. Lexically, nominals and verbs are derived from both source languages. In form, the various sub-systems of Gurindji Kriol bear a close resemblance to their source languages. However contact and competition between Gurindji and Kriol in the process of the formation of the mixed language has altered the function and distribution of these systems, including the Gurindji-derived case morphology. The aim of this thesis is three-fold: (i) to provide the first detailed socio-historical and grammatical description of Gurindji Kriol (§2 and §A1), (ii) to propose a path by which Gurindji case morphology was incorporated into the Gurindji Kriol clause (§3-§5), and (iii) to demonstrate changes in the use of four case markers quantitatively (§6-§9).

This essay will discuss and research the width and frequency of Irish loanwords in contemporary English varieties. The meanings, uses, differences, similarities and collocations of selected words will be discussed and analyzed in order to find answers to the research questions asked. The methods used are quantitative and qualitative research methods. The quantitative method will measure the frequency of the selected words in each of the selected varieties and the qualitative method will discuss the meanings and uses of the words in the different varieties. Each word has its own section which discuss meanings, developments and instances in which the words can be found in the different varieties. These sections are summarized at the end of the essay and the conclusion states that Irish loanwords in contemporary English varieties are not greatly widespread compared to the frequency of the same words in Irish English. A few of the words have been able to develop their meaning and use through time, but most instances of the words show the original meaning and use.

In this dissertation, I investigate a number of interrelated developments affecting the morphosyntax of nouns in Cappadocian Greek. I specifically focus on the development of differential object marking, the loss of grammatical gender distinctions, and the neuterisation of noun inflection. My aim is to provide a diachronic account of the innovations that Cappadocian has undergone in the three domains mentioned above. !ll the innovations examined in this study have the effect of rendering the morphology and syntax of nouns in Cappadocian more like that of neuters. On account of the historical and sociolinguistic circumstances in which Cappadocian developed as well as of the superficial similarity of their outcomes to equivalent structures in Turkish, previous research has overwhelmingly treated the Cappadocian developments as instances of contact-induced change that resulted from the influence of Turkish. In this study, I examine the Cappadocian innovations from a language-internal point of view and in comparison with parallel developments attested in the other Modern Greek dialects of Asia Minor, namely Pontic, Rumeic, Pharasiot and Silliot. My comparative analysis of a wide range of dialect-internal, cross-dialectal and cross-linguistic typological evidence shows that language contact with Turkish can be identified as the main cause of change only in the case of differential object marking. On the other hand, with respect to the origins of the most pervasive innovations in gender and noun inflection, I argue that they go back to the common linguistic ancestor of the modern Asia Minor Greek dialects and do not owe their development to language contact with Turkish. I show in detail that the superficial similarity of these latter innovations’ outcomes to their Turkish equivalents in each case represents the final stage in a long series of typologically plausible, language-internal developments whose early manifestations predate the intensification of Cappadocian–Turkish linguistic and cultural exchange. These findings show that diachronic change in Cappadocian is best understood when examined within a larger Asia Minor Greek context. On the whole, they make a significant contribution to our knowledge of the history of Cappadocian and the Asia Minor Greek dialects as well as to Modern Greek dialectology more generally, and open a fresh round of discussion on the origin and development of other innovations attested in these dialects that are considered by historical linguists and Modern Greek dialectologists to be untypically Greek or contact-induced or both.

El trabajo examina la historia de la incorporación del quechuismo “cachua” en el español. Las cachuas, un baile y canto de origen andino, fueron identificadas como idolátricas desde su primera aparición en documentos del siglo XVI y en la lexicografía colonial quechua. Después de ofrecer un breve panorama del contacto entre el quechua y el español en la época colonial y de la revisión de textos historiográficos, judiciales y catequéticos, así como de los trabajos lexicográficos antiguos y contemporáneos en que se documente la voz, se trata la incorporación del préstamo en cuestión en función de aspectos comunicativos, fonéticos y semánticos. / The present article examines the history of the incorporation of the Quechua loanword “cachua” into Spanish. The “cachua”, a dance and song of Andean origin, was identified as idolatrous ever since its first appearance in documents of the 16th century and in the colonial Quechua lexicography. First, we offer a brief panorama of the contact between Quechua and Spanish in the colonial era and a text revision of historiographic, juridical and catechetical documentation, as well as of the old and contemporary lexicographical works in which the word is documented. Subsequently, we will concentrate on the incorporation of the loan at issue based on communicative, phonetic and semantic aspects.

Submitted by Ricardo Cedraz Duque Moliterno (ricardo.moliterno@uefs.br) on 2016-09-06T20:52:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??o - texto completo PDF.pdf: 1916654 bytes, checksum: 5da1850898130e05e3a0797ecfea5037 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-06T20:52:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??o - texto completo PDF.pdf: 1916654 bytes, checksum: 5da1850898130e05e3a0797ecfea5037 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-13 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / This study has the main objective to investigate the replacement of the preposition in by ni, fairly frequent phenomenon in speech and sometimes in writing. From comparisons between varieties of Portuguese (Brazil and Africa), it is conjectured that this morphological change has to do with influences from some African languages which had contact with the Portuguese in the period of colonization / exploration of these places. In addition, note that the use of ni is performed by speakers from rural and urban, there is the hypothesis that possibly there is a continuum that explain its dissemination in Brazilian Portuguese. Thus, from the quantitative methodology Labovian inspiration, we analyze speech from the Portuguese rural, popular and cult of Feira de Santana to evaluate the hypothesis of a rural-urban continuum, taking into account the use of this morphological trait . The results of the rounds indicate that the rural Portuguese and worship favor the use of ni with the relative weighting of .65 and .52, respectively. The relative weight of .33 of popular Portuguese factor, in turn, indicates that this variety does not favor implementation of this variant. The fact that there are so discrepant values among them is explained from the historical and social characteristics of each language community. But what draws the most attention in this research is the analysis of the results of the linguistic variables corroborate the idea of a relationship between the Portuguese of Brazil and some African languages with regard to the use of ni. / O presente estudo tem o principal objetivo de investigar a substitui??o da preposi??o em por ni, fen?meno bastante recorrente na fala e, algumas vezes, na escrita. A partir de compara??es feitas entre variedades do portugu?s (do Brasil e da ?frica), conjectura-se que essa troca morfol?gica tenha a ver com influ?ncias de algumas l?nguas africanas que mantiveram contato com o portugu?s no per?odo da coloniza??o/explora??o desses lugares. Al?m disso, por notar que o uso do ni ? realizado por falantes da zona rural e da urbana, h? a hip?tese de que, possivelmente, exista um continuum que explique a sua difus?o no portugu?s brasileiro. Dessa forma, a partir da metodologia quantitativa de inspira??o laboviana, analisam-se falas do portugu?s rural, popular e culto de Feira de Santana a fim de avaliar a hip?tese da exist?ncia de um continuum rural-urbano, levando em considera??o o emprego desse tra?o morfol?gico. Os resultados das rodadas apontam que o portugu?s rural e culto favorecem o uso do ni com os pesos relativos de .65 e .52, respectivamente. O peso relativo de .33 do fator portugu?s popular, por sua vez, indica que essa variedade n?o favorece aplica??o dessa variante. O fato de haver valores t?o discrepantes entre elas ? explicado a partir das caracter?sticas hist?rico-sociais de cada comunidade lingu?stica. Todavia o que chama mais aten??o nesta pesquisa ? que os resultados da an?lise das vari?veis lingu?sticas corroboram a ideia de haver uma rela??o entre o portugu?s do Brasil e algumas l?nguas africanas no que diz respeito ao uso do ni.

In Albanian, there is more than eight hundred Latin and Romance loanwords. The suggested chronological stratification is following: 1) Latin loanwords, 2) Balkan-Romance loanwords, 3) loanwords from the time of Via Egnatia and 4) Venetian loanwords. By the chronological classification of the words is decisive both the phonetic development of the word and the semantical point of view. Many loanwords went through dramatical phonetic development, which can be characterised by neutralisations and syncopes. The oldest Latin loanwords are those from the field of religion, craft, construction or transport; in the Balkan-Romance phase we find many pastoral words, names of the plants and animals or names of the body parts, some cultural words, marine words or some articles of daily use. The study of Latin loanwords offers a new view on the ethnogenesis of Albanian people and the question of their Illyrian origin. Together with the interdisciplinary view (history, archeology, zoology etc.) we come to the conclusion that Albanians met Latin first in the northern part of the Balkan peninsula and later in the time of the Slavic expansions they were in an intense contact with the romanized Vlah people in the mountains of Central Balkan.

It is not unexpected that we can find several Swahili-loanwords in Oromo because Swahili- and Oromo speaking people were neighbours for, at least, several centuries. If we are looking for Swahili-loanwords in Oromo we have, of course, to examine the southern Oromo-dialects first.

The topic of this Master's degree thesis are the lexical loanwords from Italian to European Spanish from the diachronic point of view. The first part is dedicated to the problems of language contact focused on lexical borrowings, followed by the characteristics of Italianisms and the history of the mutual contact of Spain and Italy, that led to the adoption of Italian word in Spanish and vice versa. The adaption of Italianisms in Spanish language is also analysed. The research part of this work is based on the so far most extensive and complex publication about Italianisms in Spanish, which at the same time has been strongly criticized by the science community. The expressions marked in Terlingen's work as Italianisms from the field of commerce are submitted to dictionary analysis. Based on approximately 70 historical, etymological and contemporary Spanish dictionaries, it is being verified whether the chosen words are truly loanwords of Italian origin. Every entry has its origin, meaning and ortographical variations evaluated, and the attention is also drawn to the period of time of their first occurrence and their use in Spanish. These aspects are being studied both in historical and the contemporary language. Last, the conclusions about mercantile Italianisms in Spanish are phrased and the...