A presente dissertação consiste em um estudo e na tradução do Eunuchus de P. Terêncio Afer. A obra é a quarta comédia de Terêncio, representada em Roma no ano de 161 a.C., durante os Ludi Megalenses. O estudo divide-se em três partes: o contexto da obra, a sua estrutura e o ethos das personagens. Em relação ao contexto, são considerados o gênero da obra, os espetáculos cênicos, as origens do teatro latino e a biografia literária do autor. Para a análise da estrutura da obra, são examinadas separadamente as duas partes que a constituem: o prólogo e o enredo. O prólogo terenciano tem como peculiaridade o seu uso para a polêmica literária. O enredo organiza-se em duas bases: a suspensão do argumento e a dupla intriga. O ethos das personagens é o alvo principal deste estudo. Foram escolhidas seis personagens para a análise: Taís, Pítias, Pânfila, Fédria, Quérea e Parmenão. Nessa análise, procurou-se operar com dois tratamentos dados ao conceito de ethos: o primeiro, dentro do pensamento aristotélico, nos desdobramentos que o termo ganha na Retórica e na Poética; o segundo, situado no âmbito da Análise do Discurso Francesa, em um desenvolvimento feito por Dominique Maingueneau, ao recuperar, por via da pragmática, a noção de ethos da retórica. / The present dissertation includes both a translation of Terence\'s play The Eunuch and a study on it. The play is Terence\'s fourth comedy and was staged in 161 BC, in Rome, during the Ludi Megalenses. The study has been divided into three parts: the context of the play, its structure and the ethos of the characters. Regarding the context, we considered the genre question, staging and stagecraft, latin theatre origins and the author\'s literary biography. The analysis of the structure has two parts, according to the division of the play itself into a prologue and the plot. Terence\'s prologues are peculiar in their aptness for literary polemics. The plot is organized on two main axes: line suspension and double intrigue. The characters\' ethe are the main target of this study. Six characters have been chosen for the analysis: Thais, Pythias, Pamphila, Phaedria, Chaerea, Parmeno. We approached the concept of ethos in two ways for this analysis: first, within aristotelian thought, and the way it unfolds in both the Rhetoric and the Poetics; second, within the French Discourse Analysis, following a development by Dominique Maingueneau, as he recovered, via his pragmatics, the rhetorical concept of ethos.

A presente dissertação divide-se em duas partes. Na primeira, analisamos O mercador, de Plauto, examinamos o que disse Aristóteles sobre o gênero cômico e estudamos as origens da comédia, com destaque para a Nea, com base no trabalho de George E. Duckworth. Partindo-se desse estudo, as características próprias da comédia, em geral, são apontadas, demonstrando-se a fórmula da comédia utilizada pelos autores antigos, apresentada neste trabalho, ao citarmos Northrop Frye. Após isso, focalizamos a estrutura da obra O mercador e, também, os tipos existentes na obra plautina, sobretudo os tipos femininos. A seguir, destacamos a relação amorosa entre o senex e a escrava-cortesã. Na segunda parte da dissertação, traduzimos a comédia, a partir do texto latino encontrado na edição de A. Ernout publicada pela Société d\'Édition \"Les Belles Lettres\". / This dissertation is presented in two parts: in the first one, we made an analysis of Plautus\'Mercator. To lay the foundation of such analysis, we considered what Aristoteles stated about comedy and we also retrace the sources of comedy, with particular emphasis on the Nea, by taking into consideration the study of George Duckworth. Still based on this work of Duckworth, we conducted a research on the identifying characteristics of comedy and, to do such, we also consulted Northrop Frye, whose work helped us to expose the strategies of comedy developed by the ancient authors. After this comprehensive study of comedy, we gave an analysis of the structure of the play and the characters, particularly the female ones, presented in Mercator. Eventually, the first part of our study is dedicated to examine the loving relationship between senex and his slave courtesan. In the second part of the dissertation, we present a translation into Portuguese of Plautus\' comedy from the original text, in Latin, which was found in A. Ernout\'s book published by the Société d\'Édition \"Les Belles Lettres\".

Diss.--Fribourg. / Bibliography: p. 155-160.

This dissertation investigates how Augustan poetry imagines, redefines and reconfigures the idea of the chorus. It argues that the chorus, a quintessential marker of Greek culture, was translated and transformed into a peculiarly Roman phenomenon whereby poets invented their relationship with an imagined past and implicated it in the present. Augustan poets, I suggest, created a sustained and intensely intertextual choral poetics that played into contemporary poetic debates about the power of writing versus song and the complexity of responding to performance culture through multiple layers of written tradition. Focusing in particular on Virgil’s Aeneid, Propertius’ Elegies and Horace’s Odes, the dissertation uses a series of case studies to trace the role played by scenes of embedded choral song and dance in Augustan poetics. The scene is set by comparing how a range of texts respond differently to a single fundamental aspect of Greek choral culture—the figure of the chorus leader—and by establishing Catullus as an important predecessor to Augustan choral discourse. The dissertation then turns to explore how choral language and imagery become involved in some of the central issues of Augustan poetry: Latin love poetry’s construction of female desirability and male anxiety, the creation of poetic authority in Augustan lyric and elegy, and the search for the origins of Roman ritual in Virgil’s Aeneid. Finally, these embedded scenes are juxtaposed with Horace’s Carmen Saeculare, a text composed, remarkably, for choral performance on the Roman civic stage, which is shown to activate the choral metaphor that had been created by the Latin literary imagination. By demonstrating Augustan poetry’s engagement with this aspect of Greek performance culture, the study sheds new light on the relationship between Greek and Roman poetry, shifting the focus from the reinvention of Greek genres and the study of particular sites of allusion towards an understanding of the complex dynamics of reception and reconfiguration at work in these poets’ reappropriation of both a literary and cultural idea. / The Classics

For the first time, the reception of the poetic legacy of the Latin poet Horace (65 B.C.-8 B.C.) in the poetics courses taught at the Kyiv Mohyla Academy (17th-first half of the 18th century) has become the subject of a wide-ranging research project presented in this dissertation. Quotations from Horace and references to his oeuvre have been divided according to the function they perform in the poetics manuals, the aim of which was to teach pupils how to compose Latin poetry. Three main aspects have been identified: the first consists of theoretical recommendations useful to the would-be poets, which are taken mainly from Horace's Ars poetica. The second aspect is the use of Horace's poetry as a model of word usage, tropes, rhetorical figures, and metrical schemes. Finally, the last important aspect of the reception of Horace is how his works could be imitated and his words or dicta borrowed in the composition of poetry, in which students were expected to exercise as part of the poetics course. The research draws the conclusion that Horace's legacy was of paramount importance in the manuals analyzed: on the one hand the Mohylanian poetics teachers' tendency (after Renaissance literary theorists and critics) to consider poetry within rhetorical categories rendered Horace's Ars Poetica extremely congenial to them. On the other, Horace's ideas were extrapolated from their original context and at times modified to serve a moralistic and "utilitarian" conception of poetry, which considered the latter as an instrumental science that served the ends of moral philosophy. With its metrical virtuosity and brilliant verbal craftsmanship, Horace's poetry provided an excellent model for the introduction of Christian content. The analysis of the way pagan authors (Horace first and foremost) were elaborated in a Christian key in the poetry composed by Mohylanian teachers and pupils indicates that education (and with it the assimilation of the Classics) at the KMA was not extraneous to the integration of ancient learning in Christian thinking as it took place in the different confessional schools of contemporary Western Europe. / Slavic Languages and Literatures

This dissertation presents a critical analysis of literary texts that recount fully or briefly the life and legend of King Numa Pompilius. Focusing on the 'Golden Age', it comprises the Numan accounts of Cicero, Livy, Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Ovid. These authors lived at a time when Rome was trying to reconcile for herself and for her subjects the price of her military world domination with the belief in her foreordained supremacy. This reconciliation was to be achieved by a reacquaintance with the Roman ancestral values whose observance had merited Rome her dominion and whose neglect had driven the state to civil war. The question of Roman national identity is at the heart of the Numan accounts of the chosen prose-writers. In his portrayal of Numa, who combines the civilizing virtues of classical Athens with native Roman virtue, Cicero offers a rebuttal for Greek critics who questioned Rome's supremacy because of her lack of civilizing virtues. Livy investigates the leading causes of Rome's world domination and identifies the national values and institutions that many generations of leaders forged. Numa is one such leader, having established laws, religious rite and a peaceful way of life. Dionysius represents Numa as the Greek ideal of kingship in order to establish for the Greek world the excellence of the Roman national identity founded on Greek virtue. The Numan accounts of Livy and Dionysius, composed in Augustus' principate, do not draw direct parallels between Numa and Augustus, although the narration sometimes suggests a special relevance to Augustan rule. Finally, Ovid, the only poet, recounting traditional Numan tales, offers analogies and allegories of certain Augustan ideas and measures that may be seen to flatter the ruler.

This thesis examines accounts of the regal period in Cicero's de republica, Varro, Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Livy, as well as references to the period in Propertius IV and Ovid's Fasti. Cicero, Varro and Dionysius all present idealized accounts of the period, responding to the aetiological traditions concerning it, and making Rome's founders represent ideal originators, in different ways depending on the nature of their interests. Cicero acknowledges the problems of idealizing history, pointing to the influence of historical context on views of history. Dionysius' historiographical theories are examined, revealing a coherent theory in the light of which Dionysius' idealization can be seen as an informed attempt at an historical reconstruction. Livy too gives the regal period an originative function, to display in microcosm many themes important in later history. His interest in the origin of Rome's problems prevents him from idealizing the period. Instead he demonstrates political and social development under the kings which leads to a republic where the tensions of Rome's later history can be foreseen. Elegy had traditionally rejected history, but in Propertius IV history is included, much of it regal. Propertius establishes a particular relationship between the regal period and the elegist which is continued in Ovid's Fasti. Both poets reinterpret history, applying the self-conscious skill which had hitherto rejected historical material, and subverting expectations of the relationship of past to present. Ovid also displays kinship to themes of the Augustan revival, celebrating the present as the culmination of the past. The main unifying feature of all accounts is the dominance of the author's view of the present in shaping his version of history, stemming from the importance of the regal period as the period of Rome's origins. In the conclusion, these writings are placed within their Augustan context.

This thesis presents a series of case studies of early medieval narratives about the non-Roman, non-biblical distant past. After an introduction that briefly outlines the context of Christian traditions of historiography in the same period, in chapter two, I examine the Gothic histories of Jordanes and Isidore, and show how they present different methods of reconciling notions of Gothic independence with the heritage of Rome. Chapter three looks at the Trojan origin narratives of the Franks in the Fredegar chronicle and the 'Liber historiae Francorum', and argues that this origin story, based on the model of the Roman foundation myth, was a means of making the Franks separate from Rome, but nevertheless comparable in the distinction of their origins. Chapter four studies Paul the Deacon’s 'Historia Langobardorum', and argues that although Paul drew more on oral sources than did the other histories examined, his text is equally not a record of ancient oral tradition, but presents a synthesis of a Roman, Christian, and of non-Roman and pagan or Arian heritages, and shows that there was actually little differentiation between them. Chapter five is an examination of 'Waltharius', a Latin epic drawing on Christian verse traditions, but also on oral vernacular traditions about the distant past; I suggest that it is evidence of the interpenetration between secular, oral, vernacular culture and ecclesiastical, written and Latin learning. 'Beowulf', the subject of chapter six, is similar evidence for such intercourse, though in this case to some extent in the other direction: while in 'Waltharius' Christian morality appears to have little of a role to play, in 'Beowulf' the distant past is explicitly problematised because it was pagan. In the final chapter, I examine the further evidence for oral vernacular secular historical traditions in the ninth and tenth centuries, and argue that the reason so little survives is because, when the distant past had no immediate political function—as origin narratives might—it was normally seen as suspect by the Church, which largely controlled the medium of writing.

Thesis (B.A.)--Haverford College Dept. of Classics, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, 1901. / Reprinted with "occasional alterations" from the American journal of archaeology, Second series, vol. VIII, 1903.