La problématique de cette thèse porte sur les relations entre pouvoir(s) et territoire(s). Elle s’intéresse à la situation particulière de l’État libanais, que l’on peut considérer comme victime d’un processus de décomposition territoriale et sociétale, avec des effets sur le local influencés par le contexte régional externe. Elle cherche à comprendre pourquoi, sur le territoire libanais, se multiplient, à diverses « échelles » des conflits qu'ils soient libano-libanais, libano-étrangers, et étrangers-étrangers ? Cette thèse tente réfléchir sur les territoires et la territorialisation au Liban. Elle est formulée à partir de plusieurs interrogations : comment ces territoires naissent et s’organisent-ils ? Pour quelles raisons ? Et par quels acteurs ? / This thesis of geopolitics examines the relationship between powers and areas. It shows interest in the situation of the Lebanese state, which can considered as a victim of a process of territorial and societal breakdown, with effects on the local context influenced by the external regional context. It searches for understanding why many conflicts happen endlessly, repeatedly, and multiply on the Lebanese territory. Such conflicts are on various "scales"; Lebanese Vs Lebanese, Lebanese Vs foreign and foreign Vs foreign? This thesis is trying to understand the territories structures and the processes of territorial construction in Lebanon. The problematic is formulated from a number of questions: how are these territories born? What are their logics? By which players?

La spécificité institutionnelle libanaise repose sur un cheminement historique qui doit être appréhendé dans chacune de ses grandes étapes politiques. Cette spécificité est fondée sur l'existence des différentes communautés qui se côtoient sur le même territoire. En précisé la nature profonde revient à définir ces communautés sous leurs différents aspects. Il convient de prendre en considération, les mouvements de leurs membres dans les domaines religieux, intellectuels et politico-économiques, ainsi que dans leurs rapports sociaux, tels qu'ils peuvent apparaitre à la lumière des données historiques. Par ailleurs, décrire l'organisation religieuse et sociale de ces groupes et étudier la valeur de leur représentation dans les rouages de l'Etat, est tout aussi fondamental / The Lebanese institutional specificity rests(bases) on a historic progress which must be arrested(dreaded) in each of the big political stages. This specificity is based(established) on the existence of the various communities which mix on the same territory. Specified the deep nature means defining these communities under their various aspects. It is advisable to consider, the movements of their members in the religious, intellectual and politico-economic domains, as well as in their social reports(connections), such as they can apparaitre in the light of the historic data. Besides, to describe the religious and social organization of these groups and to study the value of their representation in machinery of state, is also fundamental

Après l’assassinat de Rafic Hariri le 14 février 2005 et le retrait syrien du Liban (avril 2005), son fils, Sa‘d, essaya de fédérer un public politique mobilisé contre la Syrie, le Hezbollah et l’Iran. Ce travail fait l’hypothèse de l’échec de Sa‘d Hariri de mobiliser dans la durée les différents composantes du champ politique tripolitain. Pourquoi Hariri et le Futur ne réussirent-ils pas à mobiliser le potentiel politique fortement opposé au régime syrien abondant au nord-Liban ? Répondant à cette question, la thèse utilise la notion de John Dewey (1859-1952) d’un public politique, un collectif d’individus réunis dans l’action politique à travers la perception d'avoir des intérêts communs. La thèse commence en 1967 et s’arrête en 2011, avec une postface sur les dynamiques après 2011. Elle se divise en trois parties. La première analyse la vague de mobilisation à Tripoli entre 1967 et 1985. La deuxième partie étudie la déstructuration du sunnisme politique et l’essor du salafisme durant la Pax Syriana entre 1985 et 2005. La troisième partie se penche sur la tentative de Sa‘d Hariri de créer un public politique, ainsi sur que la compétition qu’ont représentée les salafistes à son leadership, après 2005. La thèse vise à montrer que le projet politique de Sa‘d Hariri était susceptible d’échouer, en raison de trois obstacles structurels. Premièrement, les obstacles bureaucratiques syriens ou la gouvernementalité syrienne du sunnisme à Tripoli. Deuxièmement, l’essoufflement du nationalisme arabe après le milieu des années 1980 et le fait que les leaders sunnites manquent souvent d’une cause militante, pour laquelle leurs partisans seraient disposés à risquer leur vie. Troisièmement, la présence du Salafisme comme un contre-public transnational et religieux. / After the assassination of Rafiq Hariri (14 February 2005) and the Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon (April 2005), Hariri’s son, Sa‘d, attempted to federate a national Sunni political public mobilised against Syria, Hizbullah, and Iran. The study argues that Hariri failed to mobilize the different components of Tripoli’s political field over time. Why were Hariri and Future not successful in mobilising the anti-Syrian potential in North Lebanon? Attempting to answer this question, the study uses the notion of a political public elaborated by John Dewey (1859-1952). A public is a collective of individuals united in political action through a perception of common interests. The dissertation begins in 1967 and ends in 2011, with a Post-Script on the dynamics after 2011. It is divided in three parts. The first analyses the local dynamics in Tripoli between 1967 and 1985. The second part dissects the decomposition of Tripoli’s political field and the rise of Salafism during the period of pax syriana in Tripoli (1985-2005). The third part investigates Hariri’s attempt to create a political public and the competition from Tripoli’s Salafis, after 2005. The main argument is that three types of obstacles made Hariri’s public very likely to fail. The first was the Syrian bureaucratic obstacles, in other words, Syrian prior governmentality of Sunnism in Tripoli in the 1976-2005 period. The second obstacle was Arab nationalism’s loss of impetus after the mid-1980s and the fact that Sunni leaders often lacked a militant cause, for which followers were willing to risk their lives. The third obstacle was the presence of Salafism as a transnational, religious counter-public.

En 1952 les femmes libanaises acquirent leur droit de vote. A l’époque ce fut un triomphe par rapport à leurs semblables des pays voisins. Mais par contre, le parlement libanais va attendre l’année 1963 pour que la première femme y accède. Et la participation des femmes en politique libanaise ne présente en 2008 que 4,7 % du total du parlement. Malgré l’accroissement du nombre des organisations non gouvernementales, des mouvements féministes et des efforts particuliers concernant la participation féminine en politique : la présence des femmes dans le champ politique reste restreinte.Une étude, à ce propos, a été effectuée en 1997 et a prouvé que les femmes étaient satisfaites de leur représentation dans le champ politique. Aujourd’hui on se demande si les étudiantes en 2008 auront développé une attitude différente de celle des femmes en 1997 ? On se demande si les nouvelles générations de niveau d'instruction universitaire et des futures femmes libanaises confrontent elles un état de consonance cognitive en ce qui concerne leur participation à la vie politique? Et par suite, si elles sont satisfaites, si elles vivent un équilibre psychique et elles évitent les changements d'attitudes ou de comportements susceptibles d'introduire de la dissonance? On se demande aussi si au contraire, les nouvelles générations de niveau d'instruction universitaire et des futures femmes libanaises confrontent plutôt un état de dissonance cognitive susceptible à un changement probable dans leur participation à la vie politique? En d’autres termes, les étudiantes seront-elles tiraillées entre leurs acquis traditionnels favorables à leur absentéisme de la vie politique d’une part et entre leurs acquis des formations universitaires favorables à leur promotion dans tous les domaines de la vie sociale, et entre autre la vie politique, d’autre part ? On a supposé que les nouvelles générations féminines qui poursuivent des études universitaires vivent un état de dissonance entre deux cognitions dissonantes: il s'agit d'une part des cognitions de socialisation, de stéréotypes, des préjugées, de l'habitus et des représentations et d'autre part, des cognitions de l'éducation et d'instruction. Et l'hypothèse de la thèse a proposé que la situation de dissonance probablement vécue par les jeunes étudiantes les motive aux changements d'attitudes et par suite les incite à réduire cette dissonance en supprimant ou réduisant l'importance des cognitions dissonantes.La technique utilisée pour détecter la véracité de l’hypothèse était l’entretien non directif auprès de 51 étudiantes universitaires.Les résultats de l’étude ont confirmé la vraisemblance de l’hypothèse c'est-à-dire que les étudiantes ont presque toutes annoncé leur insatisfaction vis-à-vis de la participation féminine en politique. Mais par contre l’investissement des femmes dans le champ politique a diminué dans les élections législatives en juin 2009 de 6 femmes parlementaires à 4 femmes. Une réflexion sur les obstacles devant l’engagement des femmes dans le travail politique a déduit que le déséquilibre démographique ainsi que la socialisation genrée sont tous deux responsables de l’absence féminine du champ politique. Une proposition du quota féminin au sein du parlement reste un choix parmi d’autres qui doit faire preuve de validité. / In 1952 the lebanese women acquired their right to vote. In the time, it was a triumph relatively to their fellow men of the nearby countries. But on the other hand, the Lebanese parliament is going to wait for 1963, so that the first woman reaches it. And the participation of the women in lebanese politics presents in 2008 only 4,7 % of the total of the parliament.In spite of the increase of the number of non-governmental organizations, women's movements and particular efforts concerning the feminine participation in politics: the presence of the women in the political field remains restricted.A study, on this matter, was made in 1997 and proved that the women were satisfied by their representation in the political field.Today we wonder if the students in 2008 will have developed an attitude different from that of the women in 1997? We wonder if the new generations of university academic level and the future Lebanese women confront a state of cognitive consonance concerning their participation with the political life? And as a consequence, if they are satisfied, if they live a psychic balance and they avoid the changes of attitudes or behavior susceptible to introduce some dissonance?We wonder, on the contrary, if the new generations of university academic level and the future Lebanese women confront rather a state of susceptible cognitive dissonance with a likely change in their participation in the political life? In other words, the students will be pulled between their traditional experiences favorable to their absenteeism of the political life on one hand and between their experiences of university education favorable to their promotion in all the domains of the social life, and among others the political life, on the other hand? We supposed that the new feminine generations which pursue university studies live a state of dissonance between two dissonant cognitions: it is on one hand about cognitions of socialization, about stereotypes, about prejudged, about the habit and the representations and on the other hand, the cognitions of the education and about instruction. And the hypothesis of the thesis proposed that the situation of dissonance probably lived by the young students motivates them to change their attitudes and as a consequence incites them to reduce this dissonance by eliminating or by reducing the importance of the dissonant cognitions.The technique used to detect the truthfulness of the hypothesis was the non directive interview with 51 university students.The results of the study confirmed the credibility of the hypothesis. Almost all the students announced their dissatisfaction towards the feminine participation in politics. But on the other hand the investment of the women in the political field decreased in the general election in June 2009, from 6 parliamentary women to 4 women. A reflection on the obstacles in front of the commitment of the women in the political work deducted that the demographic imbalance as well as the gendered socialization are both responsible of the feminine absence of the political arena. A proposition of the feminine quota within the parliament stays a choice among the others whom has to show validity.

The Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990) witnessed the prominence of the voluntary sector through the active involvement of existing non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the emergence of new ones as service providers in response to the social, educational and other community needs left unattended to by the public sector. This thesis takes a comparative look at the objectives and practices of faith-based NGOs, or FBOs, currently active in Lebanon, both local and international. It considers the role of the sectarian context, and the influence – if any - of religious identity and values on the founding and mission of an FBO, and the identity of the communities where it chose to operate. It also seeks to explore the relationship between an FBO’s religious identity, the community(ies) it serves, and the expression of its faith in that particular community. The research involved qualitative interviews of a cross-section of FBOs in Lebanon representing different faiths, together with a textual analysis of the communication used by these organizations in addressing their stakeholders. The research shed light on the motivations and the historical events that led to the founding of the sample population. Also, the variance between the mandates of the different faith-based organizations, each according to its religious values, and how that is reflected in determining their programme direction, and hence, the mode of operation in the community. In the process, the interviews highlighted other factors that can equally impact the image of an organization in any particular community; as well as the position of the same-faith communities vis-à-vis the mandate of their same-faith FBO. The textual analysis of the sample population’s communication tools was equally insightful as it drew attention to factors that affect the discourse used in presenting who they are, as well as their vision and mission. Other insights gleaned from this research include the organizations’ view point and/or position with respect to the sectarian context that empowers them as religiously based organizations; an aspect that gives some thought as to the potential role for FBOs as agents of change in such a complex context. The source of the knowledge arrived at through this research is based on input received from the organizations themselves, either through the interviews with their leaders, or through their communication tools. It would be equally insightful, in another research, to consider the view point of the community, also that of secular and other faith-based organizations, of the role of religiously-based development organizations in the community as they compare with their desired role.

Este estudo busca fornecer subsídios para uma interpretação científica inovadora acerca de um fenômeno político e social pouco estudado na academia brasileira e, portanto, praticamente desconhecido do público nacional: a ascensão de um tipo especial de Islã político e militante representando no partido xiita libanês Hizballah durante a chamada guerra civil libanesa, cujo armistício coincidiu com o fim da Guerra Fria em 1989-91. Os grupos políticos e milicianos conservadores, progressistas e reformistas do conflito libanês, bem como a ingerência externa regional e internacional em favor de uns ou de outros e nos assuntos internos libaneses representaram o impulso que faltava para a culminação de um processo político e social que, desde os anos 1960, encontrava-se em gestação na comunidade xiita, historicamente à margem das instituições estatais e do controle das relações sociais de produção libanesas. Após o fim do conflito, o Hizballah adaptou e aprofundou um protagonismo político, econômico e social nunca antes observado entre os xiitas libaneses ao decidir participar das primeiras eleições parlamentares e municipais do pós-guerra. A partir do ano 2000, o partido adotou a defesa de uma espécie de nacionalismo concorrente de outras comunidades e grupos libaneses, e contrário a determinados agentes e interesses externos no Líbano. Ademais, o Hizballah assumiu a projeção e a execução de programas econômicos e sociais de assistência a parcelas da sociedade libanesa, sobretudo xiitas, destroçadas pelo conflito que recém findara e desamparadas por um Estado frágil e quase inexistente em diversas esferas. / This study intends to come up with an innovative scientific approach on a social and political phenomenon which is not a common subject or case study amongst Brazilian academics and, therefore, is deeply unknown to its national audience, i.e.: the rise of a special category of political and militant Islamist movement which is represented in the Lebanese Shiite party known as Hizballah during the Lebanese Civil War, whose armistice has coincided with the ending of the Cold War between 1989 and 1991. The conservative, progressive and reformist political groups and militias which have taken part in the Lebanese conflict, as well as foreign intervention be it regional or international in support of one or another of those parties at war and on Lebanese internal affairs have represented the impetus that lacked for the culmination of a social and political process which, since the 1960s, had been maturing among the Shiite community, historically marginalized and at bay respect to the states structure and services and to the control of Lebanese social relations of production. After the ending of the war, Hizballah has adapted and deepened its political, economic and social activism in a way that has never been observed before amongst Lebanese Shiites, especially when, back in the 1990s, the party decided to participate in the first parliamentary and municipal elections held in Lebanon after the war was over. In the 2000s, Hizballah has adopted the defense of a specific type of nationalism which competes with other Lebanese groups and sects and which is contrary to several foreign interests and agencies on Lebanon. Besides, Hizballah has taken on elaborating and performing social and economic welfare programs aimed at the Lebanese society, especially the Shiites, who have been devastated by the turmoil that not long ago had come to an end and hence felt helpless and abandoned by a fragile and absent state in many different ways and stances.

La thèse sur la médiation et l’entreprise au Liban traite un sujet qui n’avait pas encore fait l’objet d’une étude systématique. La thèse a un double but : mettre en lumière la médiation grâce à une clarification de la notion de médiation et de son potentiel au Liban, et mettre en évidence son utilité pour l’entreprise. La problématique « La médiation : outil de gestion au service de l’entreprise et ses spécificités au Liban » m’intéressait, du fait de mon enthousiasme pour la médiation et de mon expérience professionnelle acquise au cours de plus de vingt-cinq ans de travail dans les ressources humaines, années durant lesquelles j’ai beaucoup tenu le rôle de médiateur informel sans en être consciente ni techniquement formée. Du fait aussi que ce domaine au Liban étant à ses débuts, il fallait découvrir les opinions et les points de vue des juges, médiateurs, ainsi que celles et ceux des professionnels d’autres sociétés sur le concept de la médiation. La médiation n’a pas seulement pour but de résoudre les conflits individuels ou collectifs du travail, elle agit aussi directement sur les relations de travail afin de les équilibrer. C’est un mécanisme de régulation des relations de travail. Je souhaite que ma recherche puisse fournir des explications et éclaircissements sur l’intérêt de la médiation en tant qu’outil de gestion au sein de l’Entreprise au Liban, et permette que les sociétés aient le moins possible recours aux tribunaux et services de contentieux lors de différends à résoudre et sachent favoriser le lien social pour un fonctionnement optimum. / The thesis on mediation and the enterprise in Lebanon analyzes a topic that has neverhas never been the subject of a systematic study to date. The objective of this thesis is to clarify and highlight the potential benefits of mediation in Lebanon and to demonstrate its usefulness to the business enterprise. The question, “is mediation a management tool at the service of an enterprise and its particularities in Lebanon” has always fascinated me by virtue of my enthusiasm for the topic derived primarily from my professional experience acquired over twenty five years of working in human resources. During that period, I often had to play the informal role of a mediator without actually having been conscious of that fact or having actually acquired the professional training to do so. Also, since this subject is in its infancy in Lebanon, it was necessary to solicit the opinions and the perspectives of judges, mediators, as well as professionals from other companies on the concept of mediation. The purpose of mediation is not only to solve individual and group conflicts at the workplace, but to also help shape employer-employee labor relations. I hope that my research can provide insight on the benefits of mediation as a management tool in the service of the Company in Lebanon, one that helps minimize the reliance of these companies on litigation to help resolve their labor differences and enhance the relationship among the employees for the optimal productivity.

Essa pesquisa tem como tema central a História Oral de Vida de imigrantes libaneses e seus descendentes nascidos no Brasil, bem como de brasileiras não-descendentes, que empreenderam o retorno ao Líbano, cujo fluxo foi verificado com maior intensidade ao final da década de 1980. A problemática geral dessa pesquisa é verificar e analisar a concretização do retorno, a partir da análise dos fenômenos de readaptação e adaptação, reinserção e inserção, destacando-se as dificuldades, os dilemas e os conflitos decorrentes desse ato. Mais do que a ocupação de um espaço geográfico, devemos considerar que o retorno e restabelecimento nos vilarejos de origem significam uma apropriação (ou criação) cultural do lugar (aqui entendido em sua dimensão subjetiva), construindo-se sentimentos de identidade, de pertencimento ao grupo que, por meio de suas ações, controlam e influenciam pessoas, estabelecem relações, determinam valores e normas a serem seguidas. Considerando identidade e cultura como processos dinâmicos, em constante elaboração e reelaboração, há que se verificar que a reinserção e inserção ao país implicarão renúncias, escolhas e seleções, que serão negociadas pelo migrante em relação ao grupo de origem. / This research has as central subject the Oral History of Lebanese immigrants and their descendants borned in Brazil, as well as of Brazilians not-descendants, who had undertaken the return to the Lebanon, whose flow was verified with more intensity to the end of 1980\'s. The general problematic of this research is to verify the achievement of the return, from the analysis of the phenomena of readjustment and adaptation, (re) insertion and insertion, in order to distinguish the difficulties, the dilemmas and the decurrent conflicts of this act. More than the occupation of a geographic space, we must consider that the return and reestablishment in the villages of origin mean a cultural appropriation (or creation) of the place (understood here in its subjective dimension), constructing identity feelings, belonging to the group that, by of its action, controls and influences people, establishes relations, determines values and norms to be followed. Considering identity and culture as dynamic processes, in constant elaboration and rework, it is important to verify that the (re) insertion and insertion to the country will imply resignations, choices and elections, that will be negotiated by the migrant in relation to the group of origin.

L'assassinat de Rafic Hariri, le 14 février 2005, est un événement fondateur. Un mois plus tard, le 14 mars 2005, la manifestation pro‐Hariri sur la place des Martyrs, rebaptisée place de la Liberté, transforme en effet cette place publique en un espace public. Cette même place sera utilisée ensuite aussi bien par les pro‐Hariri (la formation du 14 mars) que par les anti‐Hariri (la formation du 8 mars). La question qui nous intéresse est de savoir comment cette suite d'événements a été reprise et médiatisée par les différents médias, au point de faire de la place des Martyrs le lieu d'un rendez‐vous annuel des partis en présence. Notre objectif est donc de montrer dans quelles conditions cette place a été transformée, le 14 mars 2005, en un espace public et d'étudier quels moyens ont été mis en œuvre pour cela. Notre perspective ne se limite pas aux médias libanais mais s'étend jusqu'à la presse internationale, dont nous faisons l'hypothèse qu'elle a joué un rôle important dans la construction de cet événement. Le paradoxe et la nouveauté de cet événement tiennent à ce que la notion d'espace public est relativement étrangère au paysage libanais. Au contraire, la confessionnalité est reconnue au Liban et même mentionnée dans la Constitution du pays, en contradiction avec la conception d'un espace public (notamment bourgeois) reposant sur le principe de la laïcité. Pour traiter de cette question, nous montrons que l'occupation de la place des Martyrs révèle le lien étroit qui associe religion et laïcité, contrairement aux représentations stéréotypées qui tendent à opposer ces deux pôles. Une approche communicationnelle nous permet de mettre en évidence la relation entre ces deux pôles. / The assassination of Rafic Hariri, February 14th 2005, is the founding event. A month later, March 14, the demonstration pro‐Hariri in Martyrs' Square, renamed Freedom Square, transform the public square into a public sphere. The question we are interested by is how different media broadcasted this sequence of events ; as to make Martyrs’ square a yearly meeting of all parties. Our target is to show under what conditions this place has been transformed, March 14th 2005, into a public space and to explore different ways that allowed reaching the target. Our perspective is not limited to Lebanese media, but extends to international media, which we suggest that they had an important role in the construction of this event. The paradox and novelty of this event is that the concept of public sphere is relatively foreign to the Lebanese scene. The contrast is that, the confessionality is recognized in Lebanon and even mentioned in the constitution, on opposition of the conception of public sphere based on the principle of secularism. To answer this question, we’ll try to show that the occupation of Martyrs’ square reveals the close link between religion and secularism, unlike the stereotypical representations that tend to oppose these two poles. A communicational approach highlight the relationship between these two poles.

The present thesis analyses and clarifies the phenomenon of hybrid warfare. While the term has established its place in the political lexicon, current definitions and explanations are inadequate and unhelpful. This thesis addresses that shortfall by providing a concise strategic definition and a unifying theory of hybrid warfare. As a thesis grounded in the Realist tradition, the analysis focuses on the strategic implications with a view to aid in practical policy-making. Following a theoretical examination of the context and the intellectual history of the term, hybrid warfare is defined as a deliberately opaque blend of conventional and unconventional warfare. The rules of the international order and its 'guardian powers' are a key to understanding hybrid warfare and this thesis provides that understanding through the concept of the quinity. Based on the trinity, a concept emanating from Clausewitzian thought, the quinity blends traditional notions of war with the contemporary international order. The unique set of circumstances which such a combination creates is then combined with the proposed definition and operationalised through an examination of the defence policies and doctrines of the leading global powers. Hybrid warfare, whether practiced by state-like actors like Hezbollah, or states like Russia and China, can be said to represent the future of warfare, at least in the near- to mid- term. As a form of warfare which is not limited to any one domain, hybrid warfare is examined in its land, air, and maritime iterations by analysing the cases of the 2006 Lebanon War, the 2014 Ukraine crisis, and the South China Sea disputes. Its combination of opaqueness, effectiveness, impact, and strategic surprise makes it a carefully balanced and finely calibrated tool of international coercion.