Lebanese society involves the Western, i.e. liberal and democratic model, and the Islamic model of society as umma. This Lebanese model originated and has been maintained as a compromise between communities of different value paradigms where no significant shift can be expected as Lebanon is situated at the borders of their territorial expansion. According to my analysis on the basis of theoretical concepts of neo-realism and social constructivism the external players prevail over the internal players. External players have essential influence on the development of Lebanese society and state. It is also the regional status quo or regional and international order that influences the development in Lebanon and is responsible for almost every conflict, conflict initiation or struggle in Lebanon. Lebanese multiconfessional society has always made an effort to achieve and has achieved by itself a consensus for its coexistence. That is why the international community and organizations should promote and use their influence more to maintain the peaceful co-existence.

Les évolutions du monde économique ont bouleversé l'organisation des entreprises. Désormais, les dirigeants, les actionnaires, les marchés et plus largement l'ensemble des acteurs économiques exigent des structures managériales plus souples, plus réactives, plus transparentes et plus sûres. Ainsi, pour s'adapter, les entreprises ont dû subir, dans les dernières années plus de réformes qu'elles en avaient, sans doute, supportées au cours de la deuxième moitié du XX éme siècle. Mais les enjeux sont de taille : ils engagent la crédibilité, la croissance, la rentabilité et, à terme, la survie de l'entreprise et la prospérité des nations. Qu'en est-il au niveau du droit libanais des sociétés? Ce droit est mal adapté aux besoins des entreprises, car sa rigidité fait souvent obstacle à l'adoption de structures qui correspondent aux besoins souvent très spécifiques des associés. Certes, la pratique a imaginé des palliatifs. Mais leur efficacité est limitée et leur validité n'est pas toujours indiscutable. Cette situation est regrettable, car elle incite les entreprises à constituer à l'étranger leurs structures de collaboration, afin d'échapper à une législation trop contraignante. A l'heure où le droit comparé gagne en importance et les règles internationales du commerce penchent vers l'intégration, il serait grand temps au Liban -pour le législateur, les juristes et les praticiens - de surmonter cet handicap juridique. / The world economic evolutions overturn the organization of the enterprises. Actually, the managers, shareholders, the markets, and in general, the total of the economic actions require another aspects of management, flexible, reactive, transparent and certain. In order to adapt with the evolutions above, the enterprises have taken more reforms then those experienced in the second half of 20th century. But, the said reforms need credibility, growth, profitability, the survival of the enterprise and the nation's prosperity. .What about the Lebanese companies law?In fact, this law is not adaptive with the recent enterprises' requirements; its rigidity makes, often, an obstacle of the new structures required by the shareholders. Indeed, the practice imagined several remedies. But their efficiency, as well as their validity, is limited. This situation is regrettable, because it urges the enterprises to constitute their structures of collaboration abroad, in order to overstep a solid and stiff legislation inLebanon. At the time when the comparative law grows up and the word of businesscombines and harmonizes its rules of trade, Lebanon is invited promptly - legislator, jurists and practitioners - to overtake this juridical handicap.

Dans le contexte Méditerranéen pluri-complexe aux niveaux écologique que sociopolitique, la mise en place de zones protégées mobilise une grande diversité d’outils basés sur des réalités règlementaires, foncières, financières, scientifiques et techniques. Cette thèse est fondée sur le principe de priorisation des enjeux socio-écologiques de conservation pour une orientation pertinente des options de protection dans les régions du pourtour méditerranéen. Elle s’appuie sur l’exemple précis du Liban, où les initiatives de protection semblent toujours guidées par une réponse à des enjeux socio-politique locaux qui priment sur les enjeux écologiques. Le but est de proposer une démarche objective, basée sur une combinaison de descripteurs écologiques et socio-économiques, qui permettrait une orientation réfléchie et adaptée pour la future désignation des aires protégées. Ainsi, sur base d’une revue bibliographique, des descripteurs adaptés au contexte méditerranéen, ont été identifiés. A partir de ceux-ci nous avons élaboré un outil de support à la décision qui permet de structurer les priorités de conservation de la biodiversité en utilisant les meilleures connaissances disponibles. Cet outil, testé sur plusieurs sites au Liban, propose différentes alternatives de protection priorisées, parmi lesquelles l’utilisateur (ministère, municipalité, région…) serait en mesure de choisir la plus appropriée en fonction du contexte sociopolitique prévalent. Ceci met l’accent sur la forte dimension politique dans la conservation. Si l’objectif est de fournir un outil pour la désignation des aires protégées, les véritables défis se situeront ensuite au niveau des choix d’ordre politique. / In the multi-complex ecological and socio-political Mediterranean context, protected areas establishment is strongly conditioned by a wide range of regulatory, land estate, financial, scientific and technical realities. The support of decision makers in the design and implementation of protected areas networks is thus needed. This thesis is founded the concept of prioritization, where socio-ecological conservation issues are prioritized for an appropriate orientation of protection options in Mediterranean countries. It is based on the specific example of Lebanon, where protection initiatives remain so far poorly adapted to ecological conservation needs. The goal is to provide an objective approach, based on a combination of ecological and socio-economic descriptors that would allow a pertinent and adapted guidance of future protected areas designation. Thus, based on a peer and grey literature review, a set of adapted-to-the-Mediterranean-context descriptors, were identified. Arising from these descriptors, we developed a decision support tool (MedConserve) which structures biodiversity conservation priorities based on the best available knowledge. Tested on different sites in Lebanon, this tool suggests several prioritized protection alternatives, from which the user (ministry, municipality, region, etc.) would be able to select the most appropriate option according to the prevailing socio-political context. This study emphasizes the strong political dimension of conservation. Even if the objective is to provide a tool for protected areas designation, the real challenges will always be related to political choices and decisions.

No description available.

This thesis studies the effect of education on youth within vulnerable settings to resist joining armed groups. Two alternate causal mechanisms are derived from existing research. The first explanation hypothesizes that higher education increases the resistance among youth to join armed groups, since it reduces grievances by promoting social cohesion and equality. The second explanation posits that higher education increases the risk of youth to join armed groups, since raised awareness of injustices and discrimination fosters grievances. To test these hypotheses and further explore the causal relationship, the thesis is designed as a qualitative case study. Palestinian youth living in refugee communities in Lebanon who attend schools are compared to those who do not attend school. A field study to Lebanon was conducted in late spring of 2018 to interview representatives of organizations working with Palestinian youth. Eight in-depth interviews serve as material, which are analyzed using the method of structured, focused comparison. Considering the empirical evidence within the limitations of the study, I evaluate the explanatory power of the two causal mechanisms and provide an account of additional factors that may inform the foundation for future research.

Ce travail de recherche retrace la rivalité des puissances occidentales au Liban entre 1940 et 1958, qui découle d’un affaiblissement progressif de ses anciennes puissances colonisatrices, la France et la Grande-Bretagne. Nous essaierons de dérouler au cours de cette étude le nouvel ordre imposé au Moyen-Orient. Nous analyserons la manière dont les États-Unis ont cherché à supplanter les anciennes puissances coloniales.Pour la période suivante, de 1947 à 1958, qui voit au Moyen-Orient un bouleversement politique majeur avec la fin des Mandats, la création de l’État d’Israël et la montée du nationalisme arabe, nous nous pencherons sur l’apparition sur la scène moyen orientale d’une nouvelle superpuissance, l’Union soviétique. Nous détaillerons la position du Liban vis à vis des alliances, de la crise de Suez et de la cirse libanaise de 1958. Nous essaierons d’apprécier dans quelles mesures elles ont contribué à accélérer la chute des anciennes puissances colonisatrices supplantées par les deux nouvelles super puissances.Dans ce nouveau contexte, le Liban apparaîtra au cœur de ces événements, dépassé par les enjeux et tiraillé par l’opposition interne entre musulmans pro nassériens et chrétiens pro-occidentaux. Nous verrons notamment comment, pour contrer l’influence soviétique au Moyen-Orient après la crise du canal de Suez, Eisenhower remania sa politique dans la région profitant de la perte d'influence franco-britannique.Nous arriverons à la conclusion que ces dix années apparaissent comme déterminantes dans l’histoire de la rivalité américano-européenne au Moyen Orient et tout en dessinant un affaiblissement définitif des autres puissances occidentales, scellé par l’échec de Suez, elles déterminent pour la décennie à venir, jusqu’en 1967, les règles du jeu de cet Orient complexe… / This research, traces the rivalries, between the year 1940 and 1958, amid the Western powers within Lebanon, which is the result of the gradual weakening of their former colonial powers, France and Great Britain. Through this study, we will expose the new order imposed on the Middle East, and we will analyze how the United States sought to supplant the former colonial forces.Furthermore, during the years 1947 to 1958, the Middle East witnessed a major political upheaval with the end of the mandate, the establishment of the State of Israel, the rise of Arab nationalism and the rise of a new superpower in that region: the Soviet Union. Moreover, we will specifically detail the causes and consequences of the Suez Canal crisis and we will try to assess its extent on the accelerated collapse of the former colonial forces, superseded by their two new challengers. In the light of these events, Lebanon will appear overwhelmed by the challenges, and torn by the internal opposition between pro-Nasserite Muslims and pro-Western Christians. It will be shown in detail how, to counter the Soviet influence in the Middle East after the Suez crisis, Eisenhower reshuffled his policy in the area, taking advantage of the decreasing influence of France and Great Britain.Eventually, we come to the conclusion, that the decade spanning from 1947 to 1958 is decisive to the history of the US-European rivalry in the Middle East, where the weakening of all other Western powers is definitive, and where the rules of the game, in the extremely complex region, became determined for the following decade.

In Lebanon, estimates of Complementary and Alternative Medicine (CAM) use among college students are not available. CAM practices are not well regulated and some products contain unsafe substances. The purpose of this study was to estimate the prevalence and predictors of CAM use among Lebanese college students using the health belief model. A quantitative cross sectional research design was used. An online survey was administered to 126 Lebanese college students with the aim of determining the most important predictors of CAM use. A majority (89%) of surveyed students reported the use of CAM in the last 12 months. Based on the findings of a multiple logistic regression analysis, perceived susceptibility (OR = 1.781), perceived barriers (OR =.809), and cues to action (OR = 1.650), 95% CIs [1.185, 2.678], [.658, .995], [1.049, 1.821], respectively, significantly predicted CAM use. Results indicate that people who perceive themselves more susceptible to diseases, who do not perceive barriers to CAM use, and who follow more cues to action are more likely to use CAM than others. These factors provide pathways for facilitating positive social change by developing stricter governmental policies to ensure consumer safety and to promote high quality products, and by driving the development of public awareness interventions about CAM use and related health risks.

This thesis examines the nature and impact of the Reagan administration’s self-described projection of “peace through strength.” It argues that Reagan’s defense spending surge, “Star Wars” (SDI) missile shield policy, and 1983 invasion of Grenada gave the president confidence and political cover that allowed him to withdraw U.S. Marines from Beirut in early 1984. Analysts and commentators focus on his muscular power projection like defense spending, SDI, and the invasion of Grenada, but in practice Reagan exercised a high level of restraint in troop deployment. These projections of power and the avoidance of protracted war in Lebanon gave Reagan further confidence and cover to pursue arms control negotiations with the Soviet Union, against the protestations of anti-Soviet hardliners. Although Reagan supporters have credited the administration with either frightening or bankrupting the Soviets into disarmament, these policies—particularly his military restraint in Lebanon—did more to bring Reagan himself to the negotiation table. These power projection measures contributed to a “peace through strength” narrative embraced by much of Reagan’s domestic audience, allowing him to fend off accusations of Munich-style appeasement. While the defense spending surge helped give Reagan the confidence to ink an arms control agreement, the buildup created nonlinear consequences that will outlive arms control treaties.

Recevoir en trois ans un afflux de migrants correspondant à un quart de sa population constitue un défi majeur pour n’importe quelle nation. Cette recherche tente de comprendre comment un tel phénomène, à priori inconcevable, a pu advenir dans les villes du Liban, qui ont accueilli plus d’un million de réfugiés depuis 2011. Partant de ce phénomène brutal, elle examine les facteurs qui ont permis à ces réfugiés urbains de s'installer tant bien que mal dans des espaces marqués par des processus extrêmes d'injustices socio-spatiales. La thèse aborde cette question à trois niveaux : (1 ) à l’échelle urbaine locale, où citadins et réfugiés vivent un cycle continu de négociations dissymétriques concernant l’occupation et l’appropriation de leurs espaces respectifs, reflété dans des situations quotidiennes de tension et de conflit ; (2) au niveau national, dans lequel la géopolitique interne à la société libanaise et les effets de l’action publique du gouvernement, des collectivités territoriales et des ONG prennent un rôle direct, influençant l’accès des réfugiés à la ville ; (3) à l’échelle géopolitique internationale enfin, qui aborde la situation du Moyen-Orient. À cette échelle, l’analyse s’attache aux effets des relations historiques entre le Liban et la Syrie dans l’installation actuelle des réfugiés. Cependant, l’espace de négociation n’est pas exclusivement perçu comme le résultat d’une relation binaire entre réfugiés et société d’accueil. Plus largement, la thèse démontre comment cette relation s’insère dans des mécanismes qui produisent et reproduisent des inégalités exprimées à des échelles multiples et qui opèrent sur l’ensemble des populations citadines, que ces dernières soient d’origines syriennes, palestiniennes, qu’elles appartiennent aux différentes communautés religieuses libanaises ou qu’elles soient originaires de pays étrangers. L’étude repose sur une approche ethnographique qualitative faisant appel à diverses méthodes, particulièrement des entretiens approfondis auprès d’échantillons de population très divers. Ceux-ci sont accompagnés d’observations systématiques menées dans trois quartiers urbains : Tebbeneh à Tripoli, El-Nab’a et le camp palestinien de Bourj el-Barajneh à Beyrouth. / It is a major challenge for any nation to accommodate an influx of migrants corresponding to a quarter of its population in three years. This research seeks to understand how such a phenomenon, inconceivable at first glance, could have taken place in cities in Lebanon that have hosted over a million refugees from Syria since 2011. With this brutal phenomenon as a starting point, the thesis examines the factors that have made it possible for the urban refugees to settle in places marked by extreme processes of socio-spatial injustice. The thesis addresses this issue at three levels: (1 ) at the local urban scale, within which urban dwellers and refugees live a continuous cycle of dissymmetrical negotiations on the occupation and appropriation of their respective spaces, reflected in daily situations of tension and conflict; (2) at the national level, within which the internal geopolitics and the effects of government, local authority, and NGO actions play a direct role in influencing the access of refugees to the city; (3) finally at the international geopolitical scale which addresses the situation of the Middle East. At this scale, the analysis focuses on the effects of historical relations between Lebanon and Syria in the current settlement of refugees. Negotiating space is not seen as the result of an exclusively binary relationship between refugees and the host society. Rather, the thesis demonstrates how this relationship fits into mechanisms that produce and reproduce inequalities expressed on multiple scales, and touch all urban dwellers - whether they are originally Syrian, Palestinian, Lebanese from different religious groups, or even from a foreign country. The study is based on a qualitative ethnographic approach using a variety of methods, particularly in-depth interviews with diverse population samples. These are accompanied by systematic observations in three urban neighbourhoods: Tebbeneh in Tripoli, El-Nab'a and the Palestinian camp of Bourj el-Barajneh in Beirut.

L’analyse socio-historique de l’émergence du pouvoir politique au Liban, son essence même et son instrumentalisation conditionnent l’exercice de la régulation démocratique des conflits dans une société plurale dont le système politique repose sur un compromis historique, celui du Pacte de 1943.Ni Orient, ni Occident, ni vainqueur, ni vaincu.Les difficultés d’élaboration d’un projet consensuel et de mise en oeuvre d’une coalition gouvernementale, dans le modèle libanais de démocratie consociative ont favorisé la confrontation de la logique individuelle à la logique communautaire sans espace de subsidiarité.Cette thèse tend à démontrer que des Accords de Taëf jusqu’aux années post Doha, malgré la confirmation de l’autonomie segmentaire, le non dépassement des contradictions entre esprit de consensus et concentration du pouvoir sans réelle distribution de celui-ci a conduit à la définition d’un consensus minimal qui fragilise la stabilité du pays à travers des crises politiques successives.La démocratie consociative libanaise, forte de l’ouverture vers un espace public transcommunautaire, montrera-t-elle sa capacité à évoluer, en luttant contre le décalage existant entre les institutions du consensus représentées par ses élites politiques et la dynamique sociale ? / This analysis of the socio-historical birth of political power in Lebanon, its own nature as well as its implementation, concerns the different ways of viewing democratically regulated conflicts in a multi-directionally and politically oriented plural society based on a historical agreement signed in 1943.There is a challenge to compromise East and West, a balance without obvious loser and winner.The difficult project of creating a consensus among a governmental coalition while respecting the Lebanese model of democracy required personal and group compromises without room for subsidiarity.While taking into consideration the segmentation, the need to do not overlap the contradiction of consensus and opposing ideas among politico-communitarian cleavages, this work aims at demonstrating that the accord of Taef followed by the after Doha, lead to a fragile consensus which weakens the stability of the country during the following political crisis.The Lebanese consociate system re-enforced by opening to a transcultural public space may show its capacity to evolve, mature, within the existing gap between the consensus institution proposed by the elite and the social pressure.