ollective bargaining continues to play a prominent role in shaping employment relations in South Africa, without which the individual worker is powerless and in a weaker bargaining position against his employer. Collective bargaining can be described as an interactive process that resolves disputes between the employer and employee. In South Africa the advent of democracy was accompanied by numerous interventions to level the historically uneven bargaining field. Therefore in examining the history of collective bargaining in South Africa it is necessary to reflect on the state of labour relations prior and post the 1994 democratic elections. The study provides an overview of the practices and processes of public service collective bargaining in the old and new public service. The public sector accounts for a very significant proportion of employment in all countries around the globe, South Africa is no exception. Although the state as employer is in a stronger position than its private sector counterpart, the public employee is potentially also in a stronger position than its private sector counterpart. A defining characteristic of most government activity and services is that they are the ones available to the public. This means that industrial action which disrupts such services has a very significant impact on the public, serving as a substantial leverage in collective bargaining. The bargaining councils in the public sector which ensure the effectiveness of collective bargaining are maintained, are examined to provide a comprehensive understanding of the workings of these institutions. Some of the gains and challenges are also explored to provide a holistic picture of state of collective bargaining in public service. A comparison of countries seeks to analyse and compare globally the developments of collective bargaining in public administrations. The different political systems around the world have developed various labour relations processes in the public service, an examination of the approaches and mechanisms provides alternative ways of doing things. Recommendations are made regarding the changes that need to be made, as well as matters, which need to be analysed and examined further.

The relationship between government and business during the New Deal can best be understood as one based on mutual dependence rather than endemic hostility. This is demonstrated with reference to the Northwest lumber industry and its response to New Deal labor standards and labor union legislation. The Northwest lumber industry during the 1920s and 1930s was beset by the problems of overproduction and cut throat competition which plagued much of American industry during the Great Depression. Industry leaders strove for ways in which to regulate a fiercely competitive marketplace. Attempts to foist higher production standards on marginal competitors through the promotion of voluntary trade associations failed because of the absence of enforcement mechanisms within the associational structure. The National Recovery Administration (NRA) similarly failed to provide a disciplined framework for competition in the region because the federal government failed to fulfill its role as an enforcement agent, although the experience of the NRA did suggest to the industry the potential benefits of stabilizing the marketplace through the regulation of labor costs, which were such a significant and vulnerable item in the business calculations of lumber operations. The problem of enforcement, however, remained. Labor unions had a record under the NRA and in the coal and clothing industries as an effective regulator of labor standards, but the memory of radical unionism in the early lumber industry combined with a concern for managerial prerogatives to forestall any voluntary support on the part of Northwest lumber leaders for unionisation in the region. The elevation of unions under the National Labor Relations Act, however, prompted versatile lumber executives to use the empowered unions for their own regulatory purposes. Never entirely comfortable with the potential costs of strong unions, the Northwest lumber industry turned to the federal regulation offered under the Fair Labor Standards Act as an additional, effective and less risky method of securing much needed stability in the industry. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

This thesis is concerned with the mobilisation of African labour in South Central Africa and the creation of a dual economy there. The problem it seeks to examine is why a purely migrant labour system was created, in which Africans spent only short periods in the cash economy interspersed with longer periods in their own subsistence one. This problem is closely linked with the wider issues of land policy, native policy, and colonial labour theory in the nineteenth century. Using the records of the Colonial Office and of the British South Africa Company's administrations in Northern and Southern Rhodesia, together with other contemporary material, an attempt is made to examine the relationship between developments in the Rhodesias and wider colonial experience, between the Company's aims in its administration and the Colonial Office's control of it. Colonial labour theory in the nineteenth century is found to have emerged as a response to the end of the slave trade and the emancipation of the slaves, as a need to substitute for force both stimulants (like taxation) to overcome so-called tropical indolence and a modicum of land hunger to overcome excessive dependence on subsistence. This had to be balanced, however, by the need to protect the interests and rights of indigenous peoples in the face of humanitarian concern and international opinion. These considerations, coupled with administrative expediency and the desire of European settler communities for the security of social and political segregation, led to the creation of a reserves policy. In Southern Rhodesia, the absence of a genuine reserves policy during the first years of settlement appeared to lead to disastrous relations with the native peoples. The Colonial Office insisted upon the creation of reserves, and the effect, if not the intention, of subsequent Company native policy was to move Africans increasingly on to the reserves, away from European centres of employment, opportunities for marketing produce and stock, and principal lines of communication. As a result, Africans' capacity to respond rationally to the cash economy actually declined as opportunities for exploring the various avenues into it were withdrawn with geographical isolation. In consequence labour became a purely migratory experience which entailed brief periods in the essentially alien environment (accentuated by ordinance) of the town or mine location. This was accentuated also by the migration of labour into Southern Rhodesia from throughout South Central Africa and the import of indentured labour from overseas, policies pursued by an administration convinced of the inadequacy of the internal labour supply. Thus Colonial Office concern for the protection of the native interest led to the perpetuation of an inefficient and, to the African, disturbing system, which ultimately facilitated the mortgaging of Africans' social and political development. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

The particular forms of work in provincial Massachusetts influenced and were reflected in the structure of that society to an extent previously ignored by social historians. While this study presents a description of individual practices and collective patterns of work, it addresses itself to the broader framework of provincial society. As the analysis proceeds, it tests the conclusions of a large number of recent historians who have found significant change in the social structure of Massachusetts in the decades prior to 1765. There were two distinct settings for work in the province: the rural network of self-contained towns where subsistence farming and an informal system of labor and commodity exchange formed a socio-economic base for the great majority of the population; and the commercial economy of coastal Massachusetts, as exemplified by Boston, where contracted specialized crafts work and individual control of production were the most common features of labor. This analysis of work and workers reveals a marked difference in the respective forms of work in each of the settings, but it confirms a similar degree of communal influence upon the nature and objectives of work. Conversely, the chief features and arrangements of work helped to sustain the established forms of family, domicile and local society. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Orientador: Ricardo Luiz Coltro Antunes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T10:49:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos_FagnerFirmodeSouza_D.pdf: 1875064 bytes, checksum: 490621dec2fd0e6bc45353a258f1b8f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: O presente trabalho busca compreender alguns aspectos da sociabilidade dos trabalhadores da base metalúrgica de Campinas e Região após a consolidação de um complexo de Reestruturação Produtiva na categoria. Trata-se de um parque industrial moderno com predomínio de indústrias transnacionais e onde, ao longo da década de 1990, instalou-se o complexo de reestruturação produtiva responsável pela drástica redução de trabalhadores da categoria e por transformações nas relações de trabalho, caracterizadas pela intensificação das atividades laborais e, como desdobramento disto, pela explosão dos casos de doenças relacionadas aos esforços repetitivos e de natureza psíquica. Essas mudanças aconteceram a despeito do papel exercido pelo Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de Campinas e Região, considerado combativo e que não aderiu aos programas e mecanismos de controle da força de trabalho forjados pelo novo modelo de produção. A postura adotada pelos sindicalistas ao longo desse período contrastou com a dos principais sindicatos filiados à Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) desde meados da década de 1980, quando a Oposição Sindical Metalúrgica vence as eleições, interrompendo décadas de uma gestão sindical assistencialista e alinhada às políticas empresariais. Com isso, fez-se necessária a compreensão dos limites apresentados pelo sindicalismo campineiro frente ao complexo de reestruturação produtiva. A investigação mostrou que as cisões no seio do movimento sindical "cutista" enfraqueceram as estratégias de enfrentamento do movimento sindical campineiro frente à reestruturação produtiva e às políticas neoliberais. Com isso, o trabalhador metalúrgico campineiro tornou-se vulnerável às inseguranças trazidas pelo ambiente fabril e que se estendem ao espaço fora do trabalho e, consequentemente, ao risco do adoecimento físico e mental / Abstract: This work intents to understand some aspects of metalworkers¿ sociability of Campinas Area after consolidate a complex industrial restructuration. It is a modern industrial park with a predominance of transnational industries and where, throughout the 1990s, settled the complex industrial restructuration responsible for the drastic reduction the number of metalworkers category and changes in labor relations, characterized by intensification of work activities and as a consequence that, by rising of occupation illnesses such as Repetitive Strain Injury (RSI) and mental illnesses. These changes happened despite union and worker movements. The Metalworker Union of Campinas Area was considered one of the most important inside "Central Única dos Trabalhadores" (CUT) which stood against the programs and control mechanisms of the workforce forged by the new production model. However, the posture adopted by Campinas Area¿s unionists during this period contrasted with the posture of the main unions associated to CUT. In the 1980s, the Union Opposition won the Union Election interrupting decades of management aligned with the policy of these companies. In light of this, it was necessary to understand the limits of the union movement in Campinas during this period when it was stablished the enterprises¿ innovations. Our investigation showed that politics and ideological divisions between group politics inside CUT weakened the strategies adopted by Campinas¿ union movement against productive restructuration and against political neo-liberalism. Thus, the metalworker of Campinas Area became vulnerable to the uncertainties caused by the industrial environment, affecting their lives outside work because of the risk of physical and mental illnesses / Doutorado / Sociologia / Doutor em Sociologia

This dissertation analyzes how cultural and behavioral frictions affect decision-making in labor markets of developing economies. It studies factors that have received relatively little attention in economics—namely concerns about preserving identity, cognitive strain from financial stress, and gender norms—and examines their impacts on labor supply and productivity. Field experiments in the state of Odisha, India are used to provide direct empirical evidence on these relationships. Chapter 1 investigates how identity—one's concept of self—influences economic behavior in the labor market, focusing on the effect of caste identity on labor supply. In the experiment, casual laborers belonging to different castes choose whether to take up various real job offers. All offers involve working on a default manufacturing task and an additional task. The additional task changes across offers, is performed in private, and differs in its association with specific castes. Workers' average take-up rate of offers is 23 percentage points lower if offers involve working on tasks that are associated with castes other than their own. This gap increases to 47 pp if the castes associated with the relevant offers rank lower than workers' own in the caste hierarchy. Responses to job offers are invariant to whether or not workers' choices are publicized, suggesting that the role of identity itself—rather than social image—is paramount. Using a supplementary experiment, I show that 43% of workers refuse to spend ten minutes working on tasks associated with other castes, even when offered ten times their daily wage. Results indicate that identity may be an important constraint on labor supply, contributing to misallocation of talent in the economy. Chapter 2—joint work with Supreet Kaur, Sendhil Mullainathan, and Frank Schilbach—tests for a direct causal impact of financial strain on worker productivity. The experiment randomly varies timing of income receipt among laborers who earn piece rates for manufacturing tasks: some workers receive their wages on earlier dates, altering when cash constraints are eased while holding overall wealth constant. Workers increase productivity by 5.3% on average in the days after cash receipt. The impacts are concentrated among poorer workers in the sample, who increase output by over 10%. This effect of cash on hand on productivity is not explained by mechanisms such as gift exchange, trust in the employer, or nutrition. The chapter also presents positive evidence that productivity increases are mediated through lower attentional errors in production, indicating a role for improved cognition after cash receipt. Finally, directing workers’ attention to their finances via a salience intervention produced mixed results—consistent with concerns about priming highlighted in the literature. Results indicate a direct relationship between financial constraints and worker productivity and suggest that psychological channels mediated through attention play a role in this relationship. Chapter 3 examines whether gender norms lead women to hold back their potential in the labor market. While the existing literature has shown that women tend to earn less than their husbands, there is limited direct evidence on whether women actively avoid earning more than their spouses and the determinants of such behavior. The experiment engages married couples working as casual laborers in a short-term manufacturing job that pays piece-rate on output. The experiment provides women an extra hour to work without this difference being salient, making it likely that they could earn more than their husbands. After husbands finish piece-rate production, women are randomized into one of three conditions in which 1) the wife is informed of her husband’s production and expects both spouses to learn how much each spouse has produced, 2) the wife is informed of her husband’s production and expects that only she will learn how much each spouse has produced, or 3) both spouses are only informed of their joint total production. Results show that women in the last two conditions achieve on average one hour’s worth of production more than that of their husbands, suggesting that women do not face intrinsic concerns about earning more than their husbands. However, this productivity gap substantially decreases when husbands are expected to learn about individual production. This finding suggests that norms in marriage may be an important factor contributing to gender inequality in the labor market.

No description available.

<p>    </p> <p>I worked on two chapters studying the labor markets in Colombia and Iraq. My third chapter analyzed health outcomes in the US. </p> <p><br></p> <p>My first chapter examines whether the three-year gap between the announcement (in 2014) and the start (in 2017) of the Illicit Crop Substitution Program (ICSP) increased child labor in Colombia. My results from a difference-in-differences model using differences in historical coca production show that due to the ICSP announcement, children became four percentage points more likely to work in municipalities with historical coca production than in non–coca-growing areas. </p> <p><br></p> <p>My second chapter ran a randomized control trial and a double-incentivized resume rating to elicit the preferences of employers and job seekers for candidates and vacancies in Iraq. After revealing the ob offer rate for female job seekers, women applied for jobs by three more percentage points than the men in the control group. This paper highlights the value of revealing employers’ preferences to improve the match between female candidates and employers when women underestimate the chances of finding a job. </p> <p><br></p> <p>In my third paper, I study how removing the black box warning on Chantix, a prescription drug used to reduce nicotine consumption, affects veterans’ visits to smoking cessation therapy. Using a difference-in-differences model, I found that veterans schedule almost two more medical consultations in counties with high-quality hospitals than in places with low-quality medical care centers. </p>

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1998. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [263]-274).

The purpose of this thesis is threefold: firstly, to serve as a contribution to the history of the Marseilles working class; secondly to illustrate the impact of the Popular Front at local level; and thirdly, to act as a case study of working-class mobilisation. In the first section of the thesis the Marseilles working class is briefly described. It was highly heterogeneous, being made up of various racially, occupationally, and spatially-defined communities. The divisions between these communities were to some extent neutralised by a strong sense of the local community of Marseilles. Marseilles' claim to special status within the nation was, however, increasingly coming under challenge. Prior to the Popular Front the most successful political organisations on the Left in Marseilles integrated themselves into the rich community life of the town by playing down ideological issues and by practising the politics of locally-based clientelism rather than those of class. The movement for the Popular Front encouraged a new mood of militancy within the Marseilles working class which both contributed to, and was itself encouraged by, the growth of Communist influence within the Popular Front alliance. At different moments the strikes of the period facilitated or prejudiced the unity of the working class and its integration into the nation. Initially (1934-1937), the strikes which were undertaken advanced the interests of workers against those of employers whilst increasing working-class unity and support for the Popular Front. At the same time the election of a Popular Front Government and its success in resolving strikes to the satisfaction of workers aided the integration of the working class into a new, enlarged, national political consensus. The fragility of this consensus was, however, later revealed (1938-1939), as the Government called for sacrifices in the workplace and the Communists called fcr the launching of an unpopular war against fascism.