CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A presente Tese insere-se na Linha Marxismo, EducaÃÃo e Luta de Classes do Programa de PÃs-GraduaÃÃo em EducaÃÃo Brasileira da Universidade Federal do Cearà - UFC, outrossim, integra as produÃÃes do Grupo de Pesquisa Trabalho, EducaÃÃo e Luta de Classes abrigado no Instituto de Estudos e Pesquisas do Movimento OperÃrio - IMO da Universidade Estadual do Cearà - UECE. Elegemos como objeto de estudo a formaÃÃo dos trabalhadores na esfera do Movimento OperÃrio (urbano), tentando avaliar, mais precisamente, como este tem enfrentado, historicamente, a problemÃtica questÃo das relaÃÃes entre formaÃÃo escolar e formaÃÃo polÃticoideolÃgica. O interesse pelo tema està relacionado à experiÃncia de dez anos, como pesquisadora/colaboradora, junto ao IMO, ao longo de cujo perÃodo, vimos participando de um conjunto significativo de pesquisas, as quais, em consonÃncia com a orientaÃÃo formativa adotada por esse Instituto, apÃiam-se, explicitamente no referencial teÃrico-metodolÃgico indicado por Marx, e na esteira deste, nas elaboraÃÃes de LukÃcs, Gramsci, MÃszÃros, dentre outros. A rica experiÃncia de estudos e pesquisas deixou-nos como heranÃa para o doutorado o interesse de investigar os antecedentes histÃricos da atual polÃtica de formaÃÃo sindical vigente no paÃs, centrada na educaÃÃo escolar, ainda que tente, em tese, associÃ-la à formaÃÃo polÃtico-sindical â esta Ãltima, vale ressaltar, distanciada do referencial classista. Cumpre-nos asseverar que a presente elaboraÃÃo insere-se na interseÃÃo de trÃs grandes Ãreas do conhecimento, quais sejam: HistÃria, EducaÃÃo e Sociologia do Trabalho, encarnado, fundamentalmente, como uma pesquisa bibliogrÃfica, apoiada de maneira pontual numa rarefeita pesquisa empÃrica. A Tese està dividida em trÃs capÃtulos: O primeiro apresenta, inicialmente, uma rÃpida contextualizaÃÃo da Primeira RepÃblica brasileira, dando relevo aos fatos mais marcantes, em seguida traÃa uma densa sÃntese da histÃria do movimento operÃrio brasileiro circunscrita ao perÃodo em estudo e, por Ãltimo, conferi o mesmo tratamento à histÃria do movimento operÃrio cearense; o segundo capÃtulo esboÃa uma necessÃria recuperaÃÃo da histÃria da educaÃÃo na Primeira RepÃblica em Ãmbito nacional, apresentando as principais propostas educacionais formuladas pelo movimento operÃrio brasileiro; e o terceiro capÃtulo recupera o quadro educacional do Cearà da Primeira RepÃblica, delineando ao final as propostas formativas efetivadas pelo movimento operÃrio cearense. à guisa de consideraÃÃes, diante dos resultados trazidos pela pesquisa, defendemos a tese de que desde os seus primÃrdios o Movimento OperÃrio Brasileiro e, de forma particular, o Cearense, manifestou uma contÃnua preocupaÃÃo com a questÃo educacional dos trabalhadores, numa clara expressÃo da defesa do conhecimento contra as trevas da ignorÃncia. Contudo, vale observar que o horizonte polÃtico adotado pelas diversas correntes que compuseram o Movimento OperÃrio da Primeira RepÃblica sÃo definidores dos seus projetos pedagÃgicos, de modo que a concepÃÃo educacional adotada pelos socialistas (a despeito da sua versÃo reformista), anarquistas e comunistas constituiu-se frontalmente oposta Ãquelas adotadas pelas forÃas movidas por valores conservadores vinculados a MaÃonaria e a Igreja CatÃlica. Assim, se para o primeiro grupo a educaÃÃo à concebida como um instrumento de elevaÃÃo das consciÃncias embotadas pelas mistificaÃÃes do capital; para o segundo grupo assume a forma apenas de ascensÃo social ou, o que à mais grave, encarna a feiÃÃo de controle social. Bem como se o primeiro grupo nÃo expressou significativa preocupaÃÃo com a formaÃÃo profissional, isto Ã, a formaÃÃo para o mercado; o segundo dirigiu considerÃvel parte dos seus investimentos para isto. Em uma frase: os trabalhadores sempre abominaram a ignorÃncia e lutaram tenazmente para instruir-se! / The present thesis comes under the heading âMarxism, Education and Class Struggleâ of the postgraduate program in Brazilian Education at the Federal University of Cearà (UFC) and is an integral part of the production of the research group âWork, Education and Class Struggleâ from the Institute of Study and Research on the Workersâ Movement (IMO) at the Cearà State University (UECE). The objective of the study was to clarify relations between formal schooling and political education within the workersâ movement, particularly in the urban setting. The study assesses how the workersâ movement has historically dealt with the problematic of the relation between formal schooling and political-ideological education. Our interest in the subject stems from our experience as a researcher/collaborator with the workersâ movement during ten years, participating in a considerable amount of research work based on the theory and methodology proposed by Marx, in accordance with the orientation of the IMO, along with the works of thinkers such as LukÃcs, Gramsci and MÃszÃros. Our extensive research work led us to investigate the development of the educational policies of the Brazilian trade unions. These policies are based on formal schooling and only theoretically associated with non-class struggleoriented political-ideological education. The study provides a comprehensive review of the literature on History, Education and Sociology of Work, supported by selected empirical findings. The first of the thesisâ three chapters lays the foundation of the work through a synthesis of the history of the workersâ movement at international, national and local level. The terms used in the debate on class struggle become the basic elements in the construction of the argument in accordance with the projectÂs theoretical framework. MarxÂs concepts of class and class-consciousness are briefly described along with an overview of the early days of the international workersâ movement. Upon this groundwork the First Brazilian Republic is introduced, followed by an account of the composition and organization of the working classes in Brazil and in CearÃ. In the second chapter the educational panorama during the First Brazilian Republic is described in detail, beginning with the basic structure of the educational system of the period. Reformations and major pedagogic currents are then outlined, followed by an analysis of the relation between the workersâ movement and workersâ formal schooling. The third chapter looks into the history of formal education in Cearà during the First Brazilian Republic, comparing the public school system with the educational projects proposed by the workersâ movement. The author shows how the workersâ movement in Brazil, and especially in CearÃ, has always been concerned with workersâ formal education, considering knowledge âa defense against the darkness of ignoranceâ. However, differences in the political outlook of different factions within the workersâ movement during the First Brazilian Republic have left their imprint on pedagogic projects. Thus, the educational concepts of socialists (inspite of their moderatism), anarchists and communists, on one side, and of conservative institutions such as Masonry and the Catholic Church, on the other, were diametrically opposed in that for the former group education was seen as an instrument for freeing workersâ of the mystifications of capital, while for the latter group it was merely a means of social mobility or, even worse, of social control. Unlike the conservative factions, the former group did not focus on job and market-oriented schooling. In short, it may be said that the working classes have always abhorred ignorance and fought tenaciously to acquire knowledge. It is our hope that this modest, though honest and carefully researched study may help recover the history of the workersâ movement in Brazil and Cearà at a time when the subject is receiving very little attention and the Left is going through worldwide crisis and demobilization. More than ever, the twenty-first century calls for an urgent and indispensable retake of the workersâ revolutionary project, promoting the struggle for a society freed from the slavery of work for the sake of capital, and making a society of free men possible in which the human race can develop without limits.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-03-17T14:40:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 anapauladesouza.pdf: 962938 bytes, checksum: 7bb8ca98608f51946b5de487f7ac4911 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-03-18T12:15:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 anapauladesouza.pdf: 962938 bytes, checksum: 7bb8ca98608f51946b5de487f7ac4911 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-18T12:15:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 anapauladesouza.pdf: 962938 bytes, checksum: 7bb8ca98608f51946b5de487f7ac4911 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-10-26 / A participação política das mulheres no movimento sindical, considerando a assimilação das pautas feministas neste espaço de organização dos trabalhadores é tema central do estudo apresentado por nós na presente dissertação de mestrado. O sujeito de nossas análises é o Sindicato Nacional do Docentes das Instituições do Ensino Superior (ANDES-SN), protagonista de lutas que superam as demandas específicas da categoria docente, contribuindo para o processo de organização e luta dos trabalhadores. Nossos estudos foram realizados a partir da imbricação entre capitalismo e patriarcado, priorizando no percurso analítico os elementos que determinam e condicionam o acesso das mulheres ao espaço público. Bem como, as referências presentes no processo de organização e luta dos trabalhadores brasileiros e as proposições do ANDES-SN referentes às pautas feministas. Apresentaremos no decorrer do estudo as considerações das mulheres que presidiram esta organização sindical, referentes aos limites e avanços da articulação entre as temáticas feministas e a luta mais ampla do sindicato. Por fim, destacaremos as principais questões presentes nessa discussão, efervescente e em construção na sociedade brasileira. / The political participation of women in the union labor movement, considering the assimilation of feminist content in this organization place of workers is the central theme of the study presented by us in this master dissertation. The theme of our analysis is the National Union of Teachers of Higher Education Institutions (ANDES-SN), protagonist of efforts beyond the specific demands of the teaching class, contributing to the process of organization and struggle of the workers. Our researches were executed from the overlap between capitalism and patriarchy, benefiting elements in the analytical course that determine and condition women's access to public place. As the references present in the process of organization and struggle of Brazilian workers and the ANDES-SN propositions relating to feminist content. We will present during the study the women’s considerations which preside that union labor organization, referring to the limits and improvements of the relationship between feminist themes and wide union struggle. Finally, we will show the main issues present in this discussion, effervescent and in construction in Brazilian society.

Chapter one suggests thet trade and merchant capital, which were crucial to Port Elizabeth's economic development during the nineteenth century, was subsumed by the rise of manufactures and industrial capital after the First World War. Industrial expansion was cut short by the post-war recession, which caused un- and underemployment. The black worker, who experienced a severe loss in real earnings on account of the increased cost of living, became involved in a struggle with employers for wage increases. Chapter two shows how the policy of segregation was applied in Port Elizabeth, which meant that the workers were subjected to an increasing degree of control and regulation of their daily lives. The conditions of reproduction in the black townships fostered inter-racial and cross-class mobilisation which culminated in the formation of a general labour union, the Port Elizabeth Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (PEICWU). Chapter three will suggest links between the tradition in Port Elizabeth of worker resistance and the unionisation of black workers in the post-war period. Thus, the first three chapters attempt to provide a historical perspective for analysing the underlying causes of the 1920 Port Elizabeth disturbances. The immediate cause of the disturbances was the arrest of the Union leader, Masabalala, after he called for a general strike. Chapter four will show how the intervention of the local authorities provoked a spontaneous act of defiance on the part of Union members. A demonstration outside the Baakens Street Police Station to demand the release of Masabalala, precipitated the tragic shootings of 23 October 1920. The repressive violence which left 22 dead (with two further deaths resulting indirectly from the incident) was unprecedented in South African history. The resolution of the crisis brought the workers no nearer to obtaining a reasonable settlement of the wage issue. If anything, the resolve of employers to deny wage demands was hardened by the actions of the local authorities, who attributed the disturbances to ' agitation '. Such thinly-disguised justifications of the shootings by the dominant classes, however, provoked recriminations from other quarters. Chapter five examines the legal and political ramifications of the Port Elizabeth shootings. The circumstances of the shootings prompted the Smuts Government to appoint a Commission of Enquiry in the face of public pressure. The Commission found that the Police and vigilantes were largely to blame for the high death toll. But the Government's 'whitewash' of the findings could not absolve the Police from culpability entirely, nor could it sidestep its own responsibility and liability to victims of the shootings. Finally, in Chapter six, an attempt will be made to assess the long term impact of the shootings on the PElCU and the black labour movement in Port Elizabeth generally. The outcome of the episode was a victory for employers, which dealt a body blow to worker organisation which only became resurgent in the 1950s.

Globalization is the increasing world-wide integration of markets for goods, services, labor, and capital. It seems to increasingly dominate discussion on the direction of social change and representations of the world. This study is of no exception; it provides an overview on the economic aspects of globalization. It mainly focuses on economic integration, trade patterns of multinational firms and international labor movement. As part of the analysis, international labor movement is centered on the inflow of unskilled labor into host country and the effects they brings along to the welfare of local populations. Particular attention is also given to the construction sector. International trade grows rapidly along with the progress of globalization. The massive development of new communication and transportation technology has made possible for heterogeneous firms to look for optimum production allocation worldwide. There has however been massive debates among researchers on the conditions that firms decided upon when choosing the production allocation, i.e; whether to locate in one country and export to another or to locate in both countries at the same time. The study proposes a general equilibrium model in order to understand the mechanism of decision behavior of heterogeneous firms on production allocation. Apart from that, international labor movement is an important dimension of globalization and has become increasingly embedded in changes in global economic and social structures. Like the rest of the world, Malaysia is affected by globalization. The wide economic and demographic differences between Malaysia and its immediate neighbors triggered the cross-border movement of labor. The country began to rely on foreign labor, particularly unskilled labor, due to the structural changes and labor market segmentation that first emerged in the early 1970s. The unprecedented influx of these labors, following unabated high growth since the mid-1980s, raised several social, political and economic concerns. The popular perception was that foreign labors were affecting local unskilled labors, both in terms of wages and living standards. It is important to note that the vast majority of preceding discussions on the subject are from the social and political point of view. There is however lack of discussions from economic and quantitative perspective. This study endeavors to fill in these gaps and contribute to the body of knowledge. Consequently, empirical analysis is accomplished using CGE modeling on international labor movement in Malaysia. And this is the first attempt such approach is carried out thus far. / Kyoto University (京都大学) / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(工学) / 甲第14920号 / 工博第3147号 / 新制||工||1472(附属図書館) / 27358

The period under study is the formative period of working-class political action in this province. The conditions and events of this time form the foundation upon which the Socialist Party of Canada, the Federated Labor Party, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, and the Labor Progressive Party grew to be important factors in British Columbia affairs. Consideration of this period is therefore highly relevant to any evaluation or assessment of these organizations. The wage-workers of British Columbia began to organize into unions in significant numbers in the 1880's. Being concerned with improving their lot as workers, some of the unionists turned toward the idea of taking class action on the political field in order to obtain favorable legislation. In the economic sphere, the main complaint of the workers during this period was that the many Chinese in the province worked long hours for low wages, and thus tended to lower the living standards of those who had to compete with them. Another complaint with economic as well as political aspects was that much of the land and resources of British Columbia had been alienated to such corporations as the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway Company and the Canadian Pacific Railway. In their political action the workers demanded a solution of these grievances, and in the case of the latter were strongly attracted to the doctrine of "single tax." They also expressed a wish for government-sponsored arbitration and conciliation procedures which would settle labor-management disputes in a peaceful manner. The demands for political reform were occasioned by the use of government in the interests of the wealthy element of the community, and were very much influenced by American and socialist ideas. The basic principle involved was that of “direct democracy”, including the initiative, referendum, and recall, and it persisted throughout the whole period in various forms. The first election to be contested by labor candidates was the provincial election of 1886. Pour candidates ran in Victoria and Nanaimo, and all were defeated. At this time the Knights of Labor was at the peak of its power. The organization soon declined, and its place was occupied in most cases by trade unions. In 1890 the Nanaimo miners' union succeeded in electing two members to the British Columbia legislature. Although these members were unable to carry through any of their own measures, their presence led to the passage of a mechanics' lien law and an arbitration and conciliation act. In 1894 the miners’ candidates were defeated but the Nationalist Party of Vancouver, a labor organization, succeeded in getting Robert Macpherson elected. Although not always strictly a labor representative, Macpherson was generally a protagonist of the cause of labor. In the 1896 federal election the Nationalists also initiated the successful candidature of Rev. George R. Maxwell, who remained in parliament until his death in 1902. In 1898 Nanaimo labor recovered part of the lost ground by electing Ralph Smith to Victoria. Smith changed to the federal field in 1900, was elected, and remained in parliament until 1911. However, he was very closely linked to the Liberal Party, and in 1902 was repudiated by the Nanaimo miners. The 1900 provincial election was the high point of labor political action in this period. Labor Candidates with reform programs appeared in Vancouver and Nanaimo. The Western Federation of Miners in the southern Interior supported non-labor candidates pledged to defend the new eight-hour law for metal-miners. All the W.F.M.-backed candidates and one Nanaimo labor man were elected. This election saw the first appearance of the term "Socialist” as the official designation of a candidate — Will MacClain. The period 1900-1906 witnessed the decline of reformist ”laborism” and the rise of socialism as a political force in the province, culminating in the capture of a Labor Party convention by members of the Socialist Party of Canada. A study of this period has a special relevance to the present political situation in British Columbia. We are now in a time of re-alignment and re-orientation of political forces, the understanding of which demands an appraisal of past political changes. The events and situations recounted and analyzed here, since they are concerned with a period of political experimentation, may afford us useful light on present changes. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

The research reported in this thesis is an attempt to test empirically the proposition that specialization in jobs negatively affects the organizational attachment of industrial blue-collar workers. Task specialization refers to the condition where the components of work process are divided into various minute tasks and only a limited number of tasks are assigned to an individual job. In the present study task specialization was operationalized in terms of production-line mechanization in workers' departments. Organizational attachment refers to a specific kind of relationship between a worker and his organization in which the worker (1) accepts and supports the goals and policies of the employing organization, (2) shows a willingness to exert effort for the success of his employing organization, and (3) shows a strong desire to remain a member of his employing organization. The above three dimensions of organizational attachment were measured by asking various questions of workers. The field work for this research was done among industrial workers in Vancouver, British Columbia. A total of fifteen companies were contacted over a period of four months. Of the nine companies which agreed to participate in the research, six were purposely selected in such a way as to have an equal number of workers at each level of production-line mechanization. Data were collected by the method of a structured questionnaire, as well as by direct observation. A total of 550 production workers in six companies were given the 'Organizational Attachment Questionnaire', and 68 percent (377) of these workers returned a completed questionnaire. An average of six to eight hours was spent in each company in observing the technological processes entailed in workers' jobs. To measure the extent of association between production-line mechanization and organizational attachment, Somers' D, which is a strong monotonic asymmetric measure of association for ordinal variables, was computed. The zero order analysis suggested a negative association between production-line mechanization and overall organizational attachment. The first order analysis suggested that there was a negative association between production-line mechanization and overall organizational attachment only for workers who were in the middle age group (30-44), who were male, who had been in the company for less than five years, and who held less than three jobs in their employing organizations. It was also found that task repetition and task simplification were, respectively, negatively related with workers' willingness to exert effort for the success of the employing organization and workers' desire to remain in the employing organization for an indefinite period of time. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

The forest products industry is a major part of British Columbia's economy, employing directly or indirectly about twenty percent of the province's workforce; and accounting for a significant percentage of the province's exports and government revenues. Historically, the industry has been characterized by highly centralized bargaining structures and formal pattern bargaining between the two regions, the Interior and the Coast, and between the two main industry sectors, pulp and paper and solid wood. Recent environmental changes however, have put considerable pressure on the current system. Because of these changes employers now desire less centralized structures and more local control over terms of the collective agreement. Pressures for decentralization have resulted from a combination of world wide trends and industry specific changes. The globalization of markets, increased volatility of currency exchange rates, and the increasing rate of technological change are examples of the former. Industry specific changes include the diversification of products and markets between regions and firms, and two major labour disputes in the 1980s. These changes however, have had little effect upon bargaining in the forest products industry. Some changes have occurred, but to date they have not been significant. Employers in the province's pulp and paper sector deaccredited their employer bargaining association in March 1985. Despite this change, bargaining in the last two rounds has been done jointly, as it has been done for the past four decades. The second change noted is the severing of ties between the Pulp Bureau and FIR, the Coastal solid wood employer association. Previously overseen by a common Chairman, these two bodies are now run independently to encourage the separation of bargaining outcomes in the two sectors. The final change of note is the role reversal between the pulp unions and the IWA. For many years it was the IWA who negotiated what would become the industry wide settlement. In the last two rounds of negotiations, however, the pulp unions have settled first. Despite what appear to be significant environmental changes, there has been relatively little change in bargaining in this industry. Clearly there are forces in the industry's industrial relations system that are preserving the status quo. Several organizational forces and one environmental force are identified which are preventing change in industry bargaining structures. Organizational forces include third party pressures (specifically threats of government intervention), industry tradition and past practice, and the unions' ability to resist unilateral changes in bargaining. The environmental force preventing employers from forcing change in industry bargaining structure is the economic health of product markets in the two sectors. Not until the pressures for change are great enough to overcome these inertial organizational forces will significant change occur in the bargaining structure and patterns of the B.C. forest products industry. / Business, Sauder School of / Graduate

With the urbanization phenomenon, a population of unskilled migrant workers commonly known as Boia- Frias has rapidly grown up in slums on the peripheries of Brazilian cities. This study was carried put to assess the food habits and nutritional status of 100 Boia-Fria families of Vila Recreio, a slum area on the edge of Ribeirao Preto, S.P., Brazil, using dietary, anthropometric, and biochemical investigations. Qualitatively, the Boia-Fria diet was monotonous and simple, consisting basically of polished rice, beans, white bread, and coffee with sugar. In general, the foods which were lacking were: milk products, meats, fish, eggs, poultry, non-refined grain products, and fruits and vegetables rich in vitamins A and C. Foods of low nutritional value such as starchy gruels, sugar-water, herb tea, coffee with sugar and soft drinks were commonly used as weaning foods. Although dietary practices of pregnant and lactating women were poor, breastfeeding was still practiced by most mothers. According to 24-hour dietary recall data, conditions existed which were conducive to the development of nutritional problems, especially with respect to calcium, vitamin A, riboflavin, niacin, vitamin C, and iron, of the nutrients tested and with respect to quantitative intake of food. Biochemical data confirmed the presence of early malnutrition, pre-clinical in nature for about 257o of the population with respect to vitamin A, carotene, and iron. Plasma cholesterol, total lipid and vitamin E values were found to be normal. Anthropometric examinations revealed clear signs of clinical undernutrition among men and women as well as some degree of obesity among women. Child mortality data provided evidence of some advanced clinical malnutrition among children. Basic causes of malnutrition among the Boia-Frias included the following ecological factors: recent urbanization; housing, sanitation, and environmental conditions, associated with serious infection problems; poverty; illiteracy; and an ignorance of what constitutes good nutrition. Recommendations for intervention and "long-range" nutrition programs to minimize the harsh effects of poverty and upheaval on these migrant workers of Brazil were suggested. / Land and Food Systems, Faculty of / Graduate

This thesis is an examination of organized labor in the United States during the 1930s. Activities of the American Federation of Labor, Industrial Workers of the World, and Congress of Industrial Workers during the decade are compared and contrasted throughout.

Syftet med denna studie är att tillämpa Kanomodellen och kundnöjdhet på området livskvalitet och på så vis också bidra med ökad kunskap om livskvalitet som område. Genom att identifiera faktorer som handlar om livstillfredsställelse hos tre (3) organisationer inom arbetarrörelsen. Detta är en kvalitativ dokumentstudie med ett induktivt angreppsätt och innehållsanalys som analysmetod. Resultatet är åtta (8) identifierade kategorier och åtta (8) underkategorier som klassificeras utifrån basbehov, uttalade behov och outtalade behov i Kanomodellen. Detta görs med hjälp av teorier avseende livskvalitet, främst objektiv och subjektiv livskvalitet. Studien visar vidare på att det finns stora likheter mellan forskningen om livskvalitet och kundnöjdhet samt likartade utmaningar i att mäta en subjektiv upplevelse och de bör kunna ta lärdomar av varandra. / The purpose of this study is to apply the Kano model of attractive quality and customer satisfaction in quality of life and thus also contribute to increase knowledge of quality of life as an area. By identifying factors about quality of life in three (3) organizations in the labor movement. This is a qualitative document study with an inductive approach and content analysis as analytical method. The result is eight (8) categories and eight (8) subcategories that are classified based on attractive, one-dimensional and must-be needs. This is done using theories of quality of life, primarily objective quality of life and subjective well-being. The study further shows that there are similarities between research on quality of life and customer satisfaction as well as similar challenges in measuring a subjective experience and they should be able to learn from each other / <p>2020-06-26</p>