Most writing about "Red Clydeside" has come from writers overtly sympathetic to revolutionary ideals - whether the Clydesiders themselves or later academic admirers. It is hoped that a wider use of outside sources will help to provide a more detached view.

(in English): This paper deals with early views on industrial pauperism in texts intended for a public reading in the western part of the Habsburg monarchy during the pre-March period (here 1830-1848) and at the time of the revolution in 1848-1849. The main observed phenomenon is the dynamics of social and political imagination of the Austrian society in a relation to structural processes of European modernization. On two basic areas, journalism and literature, it explores development of views on the mass poverty from the general romantic rejection of modernization process to the proposals for solutions of the social question, which were formulated on the basis of affiliation to any political camp, for example, education by liberalism or the welfare state by socialism. The work does not deal so much with a thinking of big personalities of social theory, but rather focuses on the everyday negotiations dichotomy of "old" and "new", which was led by nowadays more or less forgotten authors.

Cette thèse a pour objectif d'analyser l'émergence, la réussite et l'opposition au régime de deux mouvements sociaux égyptiens durant la période (2006-2009). Ces derniers sont le mouvement ouvrier de la Compagnie de Méhalla et celui des fonctionnaires de l'impôt foncier. On mettra en évidence deux questions, d'une part, les enjeux concernant les dynamiques internes propres au mouvement et d'autre part, ceux de son conflit avec le régime et le défi qu'il (le mouvement) représente pour lui (le régime). Notre argumentation se basera essentiellement sur l'importance des choix des leaders, leurs positions et les stratégies, puisqu'on les considère comme une variable explicative particulièrement importante pour la compréhension des dynamiques interactionnelles et oppositionnelles du mouvement. Nous espérons ainsi contribuer à la littérature portant sur les mouvements sociaux en proposant une analyse qui jettera la lumière sur l'influence qu'exercent les actions des leaders sur les dynamiques qu'engendre le mouvement, un fait qui a été d'ailleurs sous-étudié par cette littérature. En outre, notre recherche, on le pense, peut intéresser également les spécialistes des régimes autoritaires puisqu'on traitera aussi le processus selon lequel les leaders d'un mouvement peuvent exploiter au maximum les « opportunités » politiques qu'offre un régime semi-autoritaire et induire un changement des rapports qui le liaient auparavant à ce régime, ainsi que les limites d'un tel processus. / This thesis aims to emphasize the emergence, success and opposition to the regime of two Egyptian social movements during the period (2005-2009). These are the Mahalla Company for Spinning and Weaving labor movement and the Real Estate Tax collectors movement. In this research, we will shed the light on the internal dynamic taking place within the movement as well as its contentious interaction with the regime contenders. Our arguments will be based primarily on the role, choices and strategies of leaders as we consider them as an important explanatory variable for understanding the movement's interactional and oppositional dynamics. Hence, we hope to contribute to the literature on social movements by offering an analysis that will shed light on the influence leaders' actions on the movement's dynamics, a fact that is under-studied. Furthermore, our research, we believe, may also be of interest to specialists' of authoritarian regimes as we will describe the process by which the movements' leaders can capitalize on the “opportunities” offered by a semi- authoritarian regime to produce an historical rupture with the relationship that tied it to the later as well as our assessment of such a process' limitations.

No description available.

The present dissertation deals with how a segment of the Swedish immigrant group mobilized to be included in American society. Three Swedish-American working class organizations have been studied as to how they interacted to promote their interests in Chicago and the Lake View district during the first decades of this century. Reflecting political, cultural and economic aspects of the immigrant workers' lives the case studies indicate that Swedish immigrant workers constructed an organizational network parallel to the one they had left in the old country known as "folkrörelsesamverkan" (popular movement cooperation). Like in Sweden this network was constructed as a haven for social mobilization, with the exception that in the American context an ethnic aspect was added.In the formative phase of their haven, historical retrospect and the defence of organized labor in the old country were important aspects of their activities. Through the educational and cultural programs that were organized, the group articulated and consolidated its position for interaction with American society including other ethnic groups. Political radicalism, including a pro-labor temperance movement, distinguished the group both within the Swedish enclave and the American labor movement. Nevertheless, in constant conflict and cooperation with other groups, new bonds of solidarity were developed which gradually enabled a re-definition of the group to include fewer ethnic and more class aspects. Once a wider definition of the group was implemented, the need for separate Swedish-American organizations decreased. Hence in the 1930s, by which time the Swedish immigrants had been included in the American labor movement, the Swedish-American labor movement also withered. / digitalisering@umu

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Toronto, 2005.

No description available.

This master’s thesis revolves around the means of participation established around the newly formed Social Democratic Party in Sweden at the end of the 19th century. In 1889 the party was organized in close proximity to the editorial office of the party newspaper, Social-demokraten, and dependent on the support of its subscribers to uphold and increase circulation. Simultaneously, the consolidation of the Second socialist international provided a new framework for the national organisations as it was decided that May 1 of 1890 would be the date of synchronized mass- demonstrations for the legislation of the 8-hour working day. The thesis examines the means of participation and the associated construction of participatory political subjects in relation to the newspaper, the demonstration and the question of work time regulation. The analysis shows that the Swedish campaigns promoted an increased sense of self-awareness and obligation towards the larger organizational structures as well as society as a whole. Participation was put forth as a means of confessing to a genuine and unadulterated identity. This identity and its assigned biological features, as they were portrayed in relation to the question of work time regulation, created the physical characteristics of the participant as a focal point of the political project. The question was used to create knowledge about the participant as an objective outset in the quest for legitimacy. This process can also be seen as the creation of a situated public as an origin of power.

Orientador: Armando Boito Junior / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T22:00:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vasconcellos_MarceloParreira_M.pdf: 3428412 bytes, checksum: b0769bbbb21a4e4591173e0c0dae681c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed / Mestrado / Relações de Trabalho e Organização de Interesses / Mestre em Ciência Política

Orientador: Claudio Henrique de Moraes Batalha / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T17:25:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fraccaro_GlauciaCristinaCandian_M.pdf: 942823 bytes, checksum: 24e2d61f2f82325e264dc0059ff797c2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Os ferroviários são a elite do trabalho? A dissertação, que ora apresento, pretendeu elaborar uma história dos ferroviários da Estrada de Ferro Central do Brasil no contexto da formação da classe operária carioca, da proclamação da República à greve geral de 1920, no Rio de Janeiro, iniciada pelos trabalhadores da Leopoldina Railway Company. Busquei compreender o conjunto de suas propostas e práticas de organização com intenção de desvendar a experiência desses trabalhadores a partir de suas condições de trabalho e em suas particularidades como categoria, levando em consideração o poder de barganha junto aos dirigentes da empresa e ao Poder Público. Para tanto, foi necessário refletir sobre a divisão do trabalho na estrada de ferro, o cotidiano do serviço e as relações estabelecidas com o movimento operário da Primeira República / Abstract: Are the railway workers a labor aristocracy? This dissertation intends to be a history of the Estrada de Ferro Central do Brasil¿s railroad workers, during the context of Rio de Janeiro¿s working class formation, from the first years of the Republic up to the general strike of 1920, in Rio de Janeiro, initiated by the workers of the Leopoldina Railroad Company. It tries to understand the conjunction of their proposals and the organizational practice with the aim of revealing the experiences of these workers, from their work conditions to the particularities of their occupation, considering the bargaining policies with company officials and civil authorities. In order to achieve this proposal, it was necessary to reflect on work division at the railway company, the routine of tasks and the relations established between railroad workers and the larger labor movement during the Brazilian First Republic / Mestrado / Historia Social / Mestre em História