Orientador: José Dari Krein / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T15:12:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silverman_JanaKaren_D.pdf: 1697247 bytes, checksum: efa8eb4549c102d118323c13fa0c3087 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Nesta tese, examinemos as reconfigurações das relações entre os partidos políticos progressistas que chegaram ao poder no América do Sul durante a primeira década do século XXI e os movimentos sindicais que compartilham ligações ideológicas, programáticas e pessoais com estes partidos. Especificamente, utilizando os casos do Brasil e Uruguai sob os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores e Frente Amplio, respectivamente, estudamos as estratégias escolhidas pelos sindicatos, dentro dum contexto econômico favorável, que influenciavam a sua capacidade de representar politicamente a classe trabalhadora, e na sua habilidade de propugnar para uma expansão dos direitos trabalhistas coletivos e individuais, nesta maneira aprofundando a democracia nos locais do trabalho e na sociedade como tal. Concluímos que fatores exógenos aos movimentos sindicais, como o nível de mobilização externa dos partidos, a capacidade institucional do Estado de negociar e cumprir com acordos multisetoriais, e a dinâmica do crescimento económico, juntos com fatores endógenos, como o grau de fragmentação ideológica e estrutural dos sindicatos, delimitarem a capacidade do movimento sindical de pressionar para uma transformação do sistema nacional de relações de trabalho, chegando a uma aproximação a um sistema "neo-corporativista" de representação de interesses, nos países com governos da "nova esquerda" latino-americanaNesta tese, examinemos as reconfigurações das relações entre os partidos políticos progressistas que chegaram ao poder no América do Sul durante a primeira década do século XXI e os movimentos sindicais que compartilham ligações ideológicas, programáticas e pessoais com estes partidos. Especificamente, utilizando os casos do Brasil e Uruguai sob os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores e Frente Amplio, respectivamente, estudamos as estratégias escolhidas pelos sindicatos, dentro dum contexto econômico favorável, que influenciavam a sua capacidade de representar politicamente a classe trabalhadora, e na sua habilidade de propugnar para uma expansão dos direitos trabalhistas coletivos e individuais, nesta maneira aprofundando a democracia nos locais do trabalho e na sociedade como tal. Concluímos que fatores exógenos aos movimentos sindicais, como o nível de mobilização externa dos partidos, a capacidade institucional do Estado de negociar e cumprir com acordos multisetoriais, e a dinâmica do crescimento económico, juntos com fatores endógenos, como o grau de fragmentação ideológica e estrutural dos sindicatos, delimitarem a capacidade do movimento sindical de pressionar para uma transformação do sistema nacional de relações de trabalho, chegando a uma aproximação a um sistema "neo-corporativista" de representação de interesses, nos países com governos da "nova esquerda" latino-americana / Abstract: In this thesis, we examine the reconfiguration of the relationships between progressive political parties that won power in South America during the first decade of the 21st Century and the union movements that share ideological, programmatic, and personal links with these parties. Specifically, using the cases of Brazil and Uruguay under the governments led by the Partido dos Trabalhadores and Frente Amplio, respectively, we study the strategies chosen by unions, in an economically favorable context, that influenced their capacity to politically represent the working class, and their ability to defend an expansion of collective and individual labor rights, as a way of deepening democracy both at the workplace and in the society in general. We conclude that factors that are exogenous to the union movement, such as the level of external mobilization of these political parties, the institutional capacity of the State to negotiate and comply with multi-sectorial agreements, and the level of economic growth, combined with endogenous factors such as the degree of ideological and organizational fragmentation of the unions, delimit their capacity to successfully lobby for a transformation of the national labor relations system, so that it approximates a "neo-corporativist" system of interest representation, in countries in which the Latin American "new left" is in power / Doutorado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Doutora em Desenvolvimento Econômico

Initially an attempt is made to present an overview of the interpretations of the meaning of Fascism. In a presentation of the views of Renzo De Felice and Zeev Sternhell the opinions of the latter are highlighted. It appears that Stemhell's conclusions better explain Italian Fascism, as well as Nazism, although Sternhell has not extensively described Nazism. His conclusions can also be used to illustrate the fact that most characteristics of Nazism and Fascism were identical, something which De Felice denies. This also applies to anti-Semitism. Then follows an analysis of the origin of the Fascist ideology, and it is stated that this ideology, both in Germany and in Italy originated in the "frn-de-siècle crisis", the anti-positive climate which existed at the end of the 19th century. This climate included a reaction against what was regarded as "decadence". It is maintained that amongst a number of Italian and German intellectuals there existed a number of similar ideas, such as for instance contempt for monetary economy, pacifism, intellectualism, the calm bourgeois life, liberalism, democracy and socialism. In the same environments violence and youth started to be glorified, and finally the modern world was accused of being egotistical and without ideals. It is in this environment that the core of Nazi- Fascism is to be found, a core to which other elements were later added. In later chapters Fascist agricultural policy is discussed in relation to earlier Italian cultural tendencies which had placed great importance on agricultural society. It is pointed out that agricultural policy was an important part of the Fascist ideology. Finally Mussolini's ideas on this subject are described, and it is maintained that the myth of the citizen/small scale farmer/soldier in ancient Rome became, in all important aspects, a part of the agricultural ideology of Fascism. It is shown here that this idea is in harmony with the general philosophy of Fascism. Subsequently, an overview of corporativism and its predecessors in Italian history are presented. Here it is stated that corporativism was a corner-stone of Fascist ideology. Thereafter the basic principals of corporativism are described as well as its tangible contents, and some important suggestions for interpretation are presented. The role of corporativism during the short period that the Italian Socialist Republic existed, is also a subject for discussion. Although this republic was scarcely of any military, economic or political importance, it was not without interest from an ideological point of view, taking into consideration the ideas it presented concerning working life. Finally, in a chapter describing the International University of Perugia, the manner in which Fascist ideology was implemented in concrete situations within the educational sector is investigated. The public support for Fascism appears to have been almost unanimous, but at the same time mostly of a formal nature. If a general conclusion can be drawn from this study, it is that Fascism and its ideology were in reality only of minor importance to education at the university level. In the conclusion it is stated that, despite the obvious contradictions, Fascism had a relatively complete; ideology, which was quite closely related to Nazism. / digitalisering@umu

In this thesis I am analyzing the causes of failure of the recovery program resulting from the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA) the implementation of which the National Recovery Administration (NRA) ensured. I am searching for the act's ideological roots and directions of thought which had projected themselves into it, first. Further on, I deal with the content, process of drafting and approving of the codes of fair competition, as well as the facts which were determining them. In the next part I am scrutinizing the procedures of enforcing the codes and code compliance, including the twists in development of these. For the understanding of these procedures is what I regard as necessary for grasping the increasing hostility towards the NRA of part of business. In the last two chapters I deal with the NRA's failure's causes proper. I divide these causes into, first, which I think do not result from the NIRA conception and which could have revealed themselves during any other program's implementation. And, second, which result from the legislation's real essence directly. These I am dividing, further on, into causes (defects) emanating from the NIRA just as a result of concrete historical circumstances of time and place and causes emanating from the act's conception necessarily, disregard of circumstances. My central idea, to the advantage of which I am setting forth the arguments in this thesis, is that the NIRA must have ended up unsuccessful, exactly because of the inherent problems it contained, even if there was no Supreme Court's Schechter decision. In accordance with Mises's idea of any interventionist model's necessary instability I utter the hypothesis that the NIRA had but two ways ahead of it. One led to the state before the act's passage, the other one led in the direction of central planning, in any form, which only could have, although for a short time, deal with the problems resulting from the missing inter-industrial coordination in the state of the fragmented order of market.

The employer, the state, long had the right to unilaterally set wages and determine working conditions. The goverment employees lacked the right to negotiate and sign agreements and to strike. This dissertation focuses on government employees, analyzing their identity and the strategies they chose to deal with their relationship to their employer. The perspective is that of the railway stations staff, postmen and other low-ranking civil servants employed by the Swedish National Railway and the Royal Post Office 1897-1937. The state became bureaucratized during the latter part of the 19th century. Bureaucratization of the goverment´s status as employer was necessary, but at the same time not sufficient to meet the demands of securing operations and of loyal personnel. Therefore bureaucratization was combined with other strategies, especially patriarchalism at the beginning of the 20th century. Through the growth of a discourse concerning "we in the department" strong bonds were created between superiors and subordinates in the department. Later the bureacracy was combined with corporative elements in the employer strategy of the state. For the Railway Workers´Union and the Postal Workers´Union a political strategy became the main and natural choice, considering the employer´s position of superiority. The political role of the employer was a foundation for the state employees´choise of strategy. This political strategy was one of servility and respect at the beginning of the 20th century, but later on borrowed elements of and actual content from trade union and professional strategies. The ideal for a state employee became that of a man with regular post who wore a uniform. There was a close connection between the collective identity of lower civil servants and the identity they were ascribed by their employer. Because of the strenght of the masculine identity this bore the characteristics of brotherhood.

Orientador: Armando Boito Junior / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T22:00:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vasconcellos_MarceloParreira_M.pdf: 3428412 bytes, checksum: b0769bbbb21a4e4591173e0c0dae681c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed / Mestrado / Relações de Trabalho e Organização de Interesses / Mestre em Ciência Política

The thesis studies the Swedish government policy of freight transports during a period ofstructural change since the 1920s. The focus is on the 1963 Transport Act, which introduced amore market-oriented approach. The views of the trade unions during this process areanalysed in more detail. Frequent financial problems of the railways were the main driverbehind different policy decisions in the Swedish Parliament, such as the nationalisation in1939, tightened quantity control of road freight transports, as well as the liberalisation in 1963and its abrupt cancellation 5 years later. No policy change was implemented without thesupport of Statens Järnvägar, the state-owned railway. Unions were sceptical to theliberalisation programme and preferred varying degrees of regulation and planning, althoughstated in general terms. They also agreed on the need for quantity control for most of theperiod, but for different reasons. After supporting Transport workers resistance toliberalisation of quantity control in the late 1940s, LO, the peak organisation, became morepositive in the 1960s, which created a split between the unions. As the problems for therailways deepened later, LO joined the Railway workers in support for rigorous transportplanning, which was fiercely resisted by the Transport Workers, which further increased therift.

O atual modelo de atenção à saúde do Brasil tem suas origens no modelo biomédico flexneriano, idealizado e implantado nos Estados Unidos por meio da ação combinada do corporativismo médico local e do grande capital. Sua importação e implantação se insere nas relações gerais de dependência econômica e subordinação política do nosso País aos interesses norte-americanos, desde as últimas décadas do século XIX até as primeiras décadas do século XX. O objetivo desta tese é identificar e analisar como as grandes fundações norte-americanas, financiadoras do modelo de atenção médica originado a partir da publicação do Relatório Flexner em 1910, mais os interesses capitalistas, tanto do grande capital internacional quanto nacionais, e o corporativismo médico brasileiro, construíram o modelo de atenção médico-hospitalar no Brasil e o moldaram à sua conveniência, de sorte a torná-lo hegemônico, preparando o terreno para a implantação da fase seguinte, a do complexo médico-industrial. Para tanto, apropriando-se do discurso dominante da ciência, deverão introduzir-se no Estado ou com ele manter estreito relacionamento, de forma a controlá-lo ou dirigí-lo ainda que parcialmente, privilegiando seus interesses, enquanto vestidos de um discurso que se pretende assistencialista, promovendo a expansão da base de assistência médica individual para cristalizar um padrão hospitalocêntrico e crescentemente tecnificado / The current model of health care assistance in Brazil stems from the biomedical Flexneriam medicine model once imagined and implemented in the United States through the combined action of the local medical corporativism and corporate class, mediated by the great philanthropies, and ultimately exported in the wake of financial capitalist expansionism, resulting in the Brazilian economical and political subordination to American interests between the late XIX and mid XX centuries. The main theme of this dissertation is to analyze how the great American philanthropic foundations, who financed the medical reform after the Flexner Report was published in 1910, combined their interests with the corporate class ones, both international and local, and, adding the support of the local medical corporativism, conformed the Brazilian health care model to its convenience, just preparing the ground for the introduction of the next phase, i.e., the medical-industrial complex. In order to succeed, and under the banner of the medical science, they either penetrated the structure of the State or maintained with it a close relationship, in order to control or at least partially steer it, always meaning its own interests while maintaining a betterment discourse, but promoting individual medical care in order to foster a hospital and technology centered pattern

O ressurgimento da obstetrícia como profissão autônoma após mais de três décadas do fechamento do último curso de formação direta no Brasil apresenta-se no contexto das necessárias políticas de humanização da assistência à saúde materno-infantil, quando o país responde pelos piores índices de resultado, sendo um dos mais violentos do mundo e com o maior percentual de cesarianas desnecessárias. Diante desse quadro e da observação de que corporações profissionais autárquicas representativas da medicina e da enfermagem parecem se opor à disseminação de novas práticas encampadas pelo Ministério da Saúde por meio de diretrizes e regulamentações em consonância com organismos internacionais de referência na área, este trabalho busca analisar os elementos formadores da consciência política de integrantes do movimento da obstetrícia na Universidade de São Paulo, trazendo as vozes de ex-alunos e docentes da Graduação em Obstetrícia da Escola de Artes, Ciências e Humanidades (EACH-USP) e representantes da Associação de Alunos e Egressos do Curso de Obstetrícia da Universidade de São Paulo (AO-USP) por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas em que se buscaram elementos para a compreensão de seu papel na luta por uma identidade positiva da profissão, a melhoria na atenção à saúde da mulher no país e à afirmação de seus direitos fundamentais instituídos pelo Sistema Único de Saúde na Constituição de 1988. A compreensão da formação da consciência política acerca do movimento da obstetrícia à luz das dimensões propostas no Modelo da Consciência Política de Salvador Sandoval contribui para a clarificação dos elementos macro e micro políticos que agem contra e a favor do movimento de humanização do parto e nascimento e sua importância para a superação da realidade de violência e desrespeito aos direitos femininos no campo da assistência à saúde. Com a proposição do novo curso, pôde-se construir um espaço de formação baseado nos princípios da humanização, que norteiam as práticas em saúde em muitos países, recorrendo-se às melhores tecnologias disponíveis nas ciências biomédicas e humanas, contribuindo para um olhar inovador em nosso país quanto à formação de profissionais aptos a exercer uma assistência de qualidade e não violenta / After more than three decades of closure of formal obstetrician studies, in a moment of desperate need for humanization policies in mother-child health assistance, we see the option of autonomous obstetrics reappearing when Brazil lives the worst record of unnecessary cesarean procedures. Amidst this scenario, and the observation that government representatives of medical and nursing departments seem to oppose the dissemination of the new practices approved by the Ministry of Health, in alignment with international organizations that are a reference in this area, this study will analyze the elements which build the political consciousness of members of the obstetrician movement in the University of São Paulo by bringing to light the voices of former students and professors of the grad course Graduação em Obstetrícia da Escola de Artes, Ciências e Humanidades (EACH-USP) and representatives of the obstetrician course student association Associação de Alunos e Egressos do Curso de Obstetrícia da Universidade de São Paulo (AO-USP). Data was collected through semi structured interviews where we sought to find elements to understand the strive for a positive identity of this profession, the improvement of the care for women health and the affirmation of their fundamental rights instituted by the Central health Constitution of 1988. The comprehension of the formation of the political consciousness in light of the dimensions proposed in Salvador Sandoval\'s Political Consciousness Model, contributes to the clarification of macro and micro political elements that act against and in favor of the birth humanization as well as its importance to overcoming the reality of violence and disrespect to human rights in the health assistance field. With the proposition of the new course, it was possible to construct a training space based on the principles of humanization, which guide health practices in many countries, using the best available technologies in the biomedical and human sciences thus contributing to an innovative look in our country regarding the training of professionals able to provide quality and non-violent assistance

<p>This thesis deals with the National Society Against Emigration (Sw.Nationalföreningen mot emigrationen) – referred to as the NE – and its radical right-wing leader Adrian Molin. Th e NE was founded in 1907 in order to stem the tide of emigration from Sweden and facilitate re-immigration by providing jobs and accomodation. Its many bureaus served as employment offi ces, land distribution centres and own-your-own-home companies, mainly aimed at creating smallholdings for Swedish working-class families.</p><p>The purpose of the study is to investigate the organization, concept and practise of the internal colonization of rural Sweden between 1907 and 1925. By following both the successes and setbacks of the NE during the first decades of the twentieth century, ideas and opportunities circulating in Swedish society in a time of wide-ranging ideological and material change are discussed. Questions in focus include why a society to prevent</p><p>emigration from Sweden emerged at that particular time; the function it served for both society and the state; the form internal colonization actually took and how it was conducted in comparison with other governmental and private agricultural reforms; and the attitude of the NE toward modernization in general. Theoretically the dissertation takes its point of departure in theories on nation-building and internal colonization (i.e., the establishment of small-scale farming and the cultivation of new land within the national borders), corporatism and attitudes toward modernization. The ideological analysis has been inspired by political scientist Michael Freeden´s theory of the construction of political ideologies via political concepts, as well as an analysis of the view of social categories such as gender, class and ethnicity. The source material is comprised of magazines, newspaper articles, letters and books and offi cial parliamentary publications. The practise of internal colonization has been studied with the aid of preserved accounts of the NE’s small-scale farming colonies, real estate documents, company reports, correspondance and further press materials.</p><p>The surge of anti-emigration attitudes is explained as a powerful reaction arising at the turn of the century due to the economic upswing in Swedish industry and the social transformations which followed in the 1890s, when the country was seen as a nation with a promising future. That Adrian Molin founded the NE in 1907 is viewed as a consequence of his nationalistic thought. Together with political scientist Prof. Rudolf Kjellén, Molin was one of the country´s foremost advocates of an integrative nationalism.</p><p>The NE was led by an elite of middle- and upper-class men involved in politics, industry and voluntary associations. Female members and representatives of the lower social classes were mostly absent. In general the NE neglected women in both speeches and plans, being preoccupied with ideas concerning the cultivation of middle-class Swedish men.</p><p>The NE became a co-actor in a corporative colonization eff ort sanctioned by government financing during the 1910s. In 1920 the NE’s projects were condemned as hierarchical and undemocratic in comparison with other own-home organizations. Many other own-home companies were built on a cooperative foundation,</p><p>while the NE was run by a national, regional, and local political and financial elite. Suspicions were raised about the raison d´être of the society. The state withdrew its subsidies and loans, and the NE lost it close connections with the government. Though conservative and reactionary in social issues, the NE cannot be characterized as critical of civilization or economic modernization of the country. Its programme intended to aid in the development</p><p>of both agriculture and industry. The creation of more smallholdings would help bridge the problematic transition between two systems, from agrarian to industrial society.</p>

This thesis deals with the National Society Against Emigration (Sw.Nationalföreningen mot emigrationen) – referred to as the NE – and its radical right-wing leader Adrian Molin. Th e NE was founded in 1907 in order to stem the tide of emigration from Sweden and facilitate re-immigration by providing jobs and accomodation. Its many bureaus served as employment offi ces, land distribution centres and own-your-own-home companies, mainly aimed at creating smallholdings for Swedish working-class families. The purpose of the study is to investigate the organization, concept and practise of the internal colonization of rural Sweden between 1907 and 1925. By following both the successes and setbacks of the NE during the first decades of the twentieth century, ideas and opportunities circulating in Swedish society in a time of wide-ranging ideological and material change are discussed. Questions in focus include why a society to prevent emigration from Sweden emerged at that particular time; the function it served for both society and the state; the form internal colonization actually took and how it was conducted in comparison with other governmental and private agricultural reforms; and the attitude of the NE toward modernization in general. Theoretically the dissertation takes its point of departure in theories on nation-building and internal colonization (i.e., the establishment of small-scale farming and the cultivation of new land within the national borders), corporatism and attitudes toward modernization. The ideological analysis has been inspired by political scientist Michael Freeden´s theory of the construction of political ideologies via political concepts, as well as an analysis of the view of social categories such as gender, class and ethnicity. The source material is comprised of magazines, newspaper articles, letters and books and offi cial parliamentary publications. The practise of internal colonization has been studied with the aid of preserved accounts of the NE’s small-scale farming colonies, real estate documents, company reports, correspondance and further press materials. The surge of anti-emigration attitudes is explained as a powerful reaction arising at the turn of the century due to the economic upswing in Swedish industry and the social transformations which followed in the 1890s, when the country was seen as a nation with a promising future. That Adrian Molin founded the NE in 1907 is viewed as a consequence of his nationalistic thought. Together with political scientist Prof. Rudolf Kjellén, Molin was one of the country´s foremost advocates of an integrative nationalism. The NE was led by an elite of middle- and upper-class men involved in politics, industry and voluntary associations. Female members and representatives of the lower social classes were mostly absent. In general the NE neglected women in both speeches and plans, being preoccupied with ideas concerning the cultivation of middle-class Swedish men. The NE became a co-actor in a corporative colonization eff ort sanctioned by government financing during the 1910s. In 1920 the NE’s projects were condemned as hierarchical and undemocratic in comparison with other own-home organizations. Many other own-home companies were built on a cooperative foundation, while the NE was run by a national, regional, and local political and financial elite. Suspicions were raised about the raison d´être of the society. The state withdrew its subsidies and loans, and the NE lost it close connections with the government. Though conservative and reactionary in social issues, the NE cannot be characterized as critical of civilization or economic modernization of the country. Its programme intended to aid in the development of both agriculture and industry. The creation of more smallholdings would help bridge the problematic transition between two systems, from agrarian to industrial society.