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This is a study of the influences of the Manual Labor Movement in Europe and in America on industrial arts taught in the secondary schools of the United States.

abstract / toc / History / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

This thesis concentrates on a local union of the International Association of Machinists (IAM), District Lodge 776, of Fort Worth, Texas, during the war years. The main argument of the thesis runs along three basic lines. First, it demonstrates that the experiences of the Fort Worth Machinists clearly fit into the national labor movement during the war years. Second, it argues that the existence, survival, and strength of the union depended greatly on outside forcesan expanding national economy, a powerful national union, and a generally labor-friendly government. Third, it shows that union officers and rank-and-file members used their bases of strengththe national economy, the national IAM, and the federal governmentto build an effective local labor organization.

This thesis explores the Danish labor movement’s use of Twitter during the collective bargaining in spring 2018 from a mobilisation perspective. This is done to investigate 1) the form of contentious politics practiced by the Danish labor movement, and 2) the role of trade unions in the Danish labor movement. One specific hashtag, #ok18, is analyzed. This investigation mainly builds on framing theory as developed by Snow & Benford (1986; 2000) and its connection to the logic of collective action, and the logic of connective action developed by Bennet & Segerberg (2013). Three methods were used to analyze the labor movement on Twitter: a social network analysis of @mentions, semantic network analyses of Twitter streams, and a quantitative content analysis. This study finds that the most important and central actors within the labor movement on Twitter are trade unions. Nothing indicates that Danish public employees used Twitter to organize independently of trade unions. Furthermore, the labor movement used Twitter to articulate collective action frames that served as shared “schemata of interpretation” for the collective bargaining. In addition, several framing processes that changed the collective action frames were identified. These results all indicate that the labor movement’s mobilisation on Twitter during the collective bargaining of 2018 is best described by the logic of collective action. There were no indications of personalization of politics or of an increased symbolical inclusiveness. The successful mobilisation in Spring 2018 might therefore be interpreted, with the big proviso that that this study only investigates Twitter, as the first small steps towards a revitalization of conventional trade union politics in Denmark.

A dissertação analisa o papel do Conselho Nacional do Trabalho e sua relação com o movimento operário tendo em vista os atores que atuaram em prol da legislação trabalhista antes do período de 1930, em que Getúlio Vargas assume o governo aplicando diversas medidas que iriam resultar na Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho (CLT) em 1943. Já nos anos 1910, houve intenso debate na Câmara e no Senado, mediante a Comissão de Legislação Social (CLS), em que expoentes como Maurício de Lacerda tiveram papel significativo no avanço das discussões referentes às melhorias de vida para o conjunto dos trabalhadores. O foco da dissertação está nos trabalhadores urbanos das duas grandes cidades São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro que despontam, ainda nas décadas de 1910 e 1920, como importantes vetores políticos nacionais. A análise da imprensa da época, através do levantamento das fontes da época, nos permite observar que o Conselho Nacional do Trabalho foi um órgão que, em sua natureza, esteve envolvido com os atores da época, sejam eles os trabalhadores ou a classe patronal. / The dissertation analyzes the role of the National Labor Council and its relation with the labor movement in view of the actors who worked for the labor legislation before the 1930 period, when Getúlio Vargas assumed the government in Brazil, applying several measures that would Result in the Consolidation of Labor Laws (CLT) in 1943. At the 1910s, however, there was an intense debate in the House and Senate through the Social Legislation Commission (CLS), in which exponents such as Maurício de Lacerda played a significant role in advancing the discussions on improving the lives of all workers . The focus of the dissertation is on the urban workers of the two major cities - São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro - that emerged during the 1910s and 1920s, during which the research is concerned - as important political vectors at the national scenario. The analysis of the press of the time, through the survey of the sources of the time, allows us to observe that the National Labor Council was an organ that, in its nature, was involved with the actors of the time, be they workers or the employers\' class.

Este trabalho analisa os conflitos entre Estado, burguesia industrial e classe trabalhadora em torno da Lei de Férias. Aprovada em 1925, a medida foi duramente criticada pelo empresariado brasileiro, que não mediu esforços na hora de descumpri-la. A classe trabalhadora, que aparentemente não tinha essa como uma de suas grandes bandeiras de reivindicação, passou a exigir o cumprimento desse direito e a se organizar cada vez mais para tal. O Estado brasileiro, por sua vez, sobretudo após 1930, ao mesmo tempo em que legislava cada vez mais sobre as relações laborais no país, não garantia correspondente fiscalização, o que era percebido tanta pelos patrões quanto pelo operariado. Os escritos de cada um desses atores, suas denúncias, estratégias coletivas e especialmente a forma como se davam as diversas greves ocorridas no período aqui analisado (que vai até 1935, momento em que eclodem inúmeras paredes no Brasil) nos ajudam a reconstituir a história das disputas pelo direito a 15 dias de férias remuneradas no país. / This thesis analyzes the conflicts between state, industrial bourgeoisie and the working class around the Annual Leave. Approved in 1925, the measure was strongly criticized by Brazilian businessmen, which made every effort at the time to tease it. The working class, which apparently did not have this as one of its major claiming flags, began to enforce this right and to organize itself for it. The Brazilian government, in turn, especially after 1930, while legislated increasingly on working relations in the country, did not guaranteed a corresponding security inspection, which was perceived by employers as much as the working class. The writings of each of these actors, their complaints, collective strategies and especially the way the different strikes occurred in the period analyzed here (which runs until 1935, at which hatch numerous strikes in Brazil) help us to reconstruct the history of struggles over the right to 15 days of paid vacation in the country.

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