<p>The study sheds light on how individuals from different countries experience the labour action Komjobb. The study aim to examine in which consideration experiences of the action Komjobb differs among the participants. The study is based on eight qualitative interviews and analyzed by using the method of phenomenography. We have based this research on a theory about Social constructivism. Other theories that we have used are Bauman's theory about the changing value of work in the modern and postmodern society and Andersson's theory of unemployment as a social category. The result is also based on previous research about labour market policies. We have concluded that Komjobb to a particular part meets individual needs. Other conclusions are that there are some differences in whether people from different countries perceive the action as satisfactory. The participants feel that Komjobb strengthens their position at the labour market and in a positive way affect their other routines in everyday life.</p>

The study sheds light on how individuals from different countries experience the labour action Komjobb. The study aim to examine in which consideration experiences of the action Komjobb differs among the participants. The study is based on eight qualitative interviews and analyzed by using the method of phenomenography. We have based this research on a theory about Social constructivism. Other theories that we have used are Bauman's theory about the changing value of work in the modern and postmodern society and Andersson's theory of unemployment as a social category. The result is also based on previous research about labour market policies. We have concluded that Komjobb to a particular part meets individual needs. Other conclusions are that there are some differences in whether people from different countries perceive the action as satisfactory. The participants feel that Komjobb strengthens their position at the labour market and in a positive way affect their other routines in everyday life.

Within the South African context, the mining industry is a major employer and a significant contributor to the economy. Production costs are ever increasing and for this industry to survive and remain financially viable, efficient technologies are continuously being explored and implemented to ensure the industries sustainability now and in the future. In order for this to be achieved, sufficient and competent technical skills, in the form of artisans, technicians and engineers are required. The mining industry is currently experiencing a shortage of these skills. Twenty-one persons were interviewed, who are representative of three stakeholder groups: namely, regulatory bodies, educational institutions and mining companies to ascertain the challenges in terms of the technical skills and thereby, derive solutions for the industry. The data used to uncover the above was obtained using qualitative techniques applied to the three stakeholder groups. This research presents the responses of those in-depth interviews from the various stakeholders obtained over several months of research. The challenges within the industry are disclosed and practical solutions presented to mitigate those challenges.Copyright / Dissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS) / unrestricted

En opposant "la passion pour la jouissance présente" au "désir d’améliorer notre condition", Adam Smith soulignait dès 1776, l’importance capitale des préférences inter temporelles pour expliquer la richesse et la prospérité économique des nations. Au niveau microéconomique, la modélisation des choix inter temporels conduit à s’intéresser au taux d’intérêt psychologique que revendique un agent économique lorsqu’il doit arbitrer, entre une unité de consommation présente et une unité de consommation future. L’arbitrage inter temporel et les effets de l’impatience sont présents dans deux des principaux modèles comportementaux en économie du travail : la théorie du capital humain et la théorie de la recherche d’emploi. Toutefois, dans la plupart des modèles issus de ces deux théories, la prise en compte des préférences inter temporelles est confrontée à deux problèmes. Le premier problème est lié à la modélisation des préférences inter temporelles qui se limite à la simple introduction d’un facteur d’actualisation. Le deuxième problème est que les comportements de préférence pour le présent relèvent pour l’économètre du domaine des facteurs d’hétérogénéité inobservable. Lors de cette thèse, nous abordons une dimension particulière du rôle des préférences inter temporelles sur la qualité de l’insertion sur le marché du travail. Plus précisément, nous avons à mettre en lumière l’impact des préférences inter temporelles (impatience) sur le taux de sortie du chômage, sur l’hétérogénéité des issues lors de la transition du chômage à l’emploi et enfin sur la décision de suivre une formation professionnelle et ses conséquences sur le salaire dans l’emploi. / By contrasting "the passion for present enjoyment" to "desire to improve our condition", Adam Smith pointed out in 1776, the importance of intertemporal preferences to explain the wealth and prosperity of nations. In the microeconomic, the intertemporal choices modelling leads to analyse of psychological interest rate expressed by the economic agent when he trades off between present consumption unit and future consumption unit. Intertemporal trade-off and impatience effects are present in two major behavioural models in labour economics: human capital theory and job search theory. However, in the most models of these theories, the intertemporal preference analysis presents two problems. The first problem is related to intertemporal preferences modelling, which is limited to only the introduction of a discount factor. The second problem is that the impatience behaviour is unobservable factor in the econometrics studies. In this thesis, we focus a particular aspect of intertemporal preferences role on the quality of labour market insertion. Specifically, we highlight the impact of intertemporal preferences (impatience) on the exit rate from unemployment, on the different destinations in the transition from unemployment to employment, and finally, on the decision to pursue vocational training and its impact on wages in employment.

This thesis examines the conditions under which democratically elected policymakers are more likely to provide policies that compensate individuals that lose from international trade. It develops and empirically tests a theoretical framework of compensation in open economies that accounts for differences in the degree to which governments benefit losers from trade. It first develops a theory of preference formation based on economic geography, and then argues that electoral and legislative institutions jointly condition the supply of compensation. The theoretical analysis provides three sets of observable implications evaluated using micro- and macro-level data in Europe and Latin America. First, exposure to international competition increases demand for policy that compensates for the costs of trade, but this effect is more pronounced among those individuals in economically specialised and uncompetitive contexts where reemployment in the event of a shock is difficult. Second, policymakers in proportional electoral systems face weak incentives to target trade losers in geographically concentrated and uncompetitive regions. In contrast, majoritarian institutions generate incentives to increase compensation when trade losers are geographically concentrated. Another implication is that under some conditions, the presence of a strong upper house that represents regional interests dampens the provision of compensation, and the relative effect of electoral rules. The empirical implications of the argument are tested using a multi-method research strategy that combines cross-national and case study analyses and draws on quantitative and qualitative techniques. Chapter 3 tests the micro-level implications of the model using survey data for European regions over 2002-2006. The findings indicate that regional economic specialization and regional competitiveness jointly condition the impact of trade on preferences for compensation. Chapter 4 systematically tests the extent to which the geographical concentration of trade losers conditions the effect of electoral institutions on levels of compensation. It uses panel data from 14 European countries from 1980 to 2010. The findings indicate that where trade losers are concentrated, lower district magnitude leads to more compensation. Chapters 5 and 6 conduct case studies of compensation in Spain and Argentina, both countries that underwent deep liberalisation and offer significant variation at the regional and institutional level. Chapter 5 explores preferences over compensation in selected regions in Spain and Argentina, and shows that regional specialisation and competitiveness were important in shaping levels of support for compensation. Chapter 6 examines the role of electoral institutions and legislative veto bargaining in shaping the politics of compensation in Spain and Argentina.

Contrairement à ses homologues européens, le Royaume-Uni n'a pas adopté en 1989, le texte de la charte communautaire des droits sociaux fondamentaux des travailleurs abrégée charte sociale. Il s'est tenu, jusqu'en 1997, à l'écart des décisions européennes en matière sociale. Au lendemain de son arrivée au pouvoir, le gouvernement de Tony blair a mis fin à cette exception britannique. Le parti travailliste, fervent opposant à l'adhésion du royaume-uni au marché commun dans les années 1970, a pu rallier ses partisans au chapitre social de la construction européenne deux décennies plus tard grâce à cette charte. Depuis, le Royaume-Uni a su démontrer son engagement européen par rapport aux politiques sociales. Il a approuvé le traité d'Amsterdam qui a vu la mise en place de la Stratégie Européenne pour l'Emploi. Pour autant, il reste toujours celui qui incarne en Europe, le « modèle libéral anglo-saxon », en vigueur aux États-Unis. Il est vrai que malgré cette adhésion, les politiques thatchériennes n'ont pas été modifiées en profondeur par le New labour mais juste infléchies et il existe toujours en Europe, une spécificité britannique au niveau de la législation du travail et des relations sociales. Paradoxalement, malgré cette spécificité britannique, le Conseil européen, en 2002, a estimé que les programmes mis en place au Royaume-Uni sont compatibles avec les objectifs européens pour l‘emploi.Ce travail de recherche s'intéresse aux enjeux que représente la Stratégie Européenne pour l'Emploi au Royaume-Uni. Notre analyse nous amènera à mettre en évidence la situation britannique par rapport aux recommandations européennes en matière de politiques pour l'emploi. L'intérêt de ce travail de recherche est de souligner un paradoxe : à la fois comprendre les spécificités du marché du travail britannique, occupant une position unique en Europe mais aussi se rendre compte que les politiques de l'emploi menées au Royaume-Uni sont tout à fait compatibles avec les recommandations européennes et compatibles avec la Stratégie Européenne pour l‘Emploi. / Unlike her European counterparts, Britain did not sign the Social Charter in 1989 and benefited from an opt out of the social rights included in this Charter until 1997. When the first New Labour government came into office, Tony Blair put an end to this British opt out. The Labour Party, which had been against the British entry into the EEC in the seventies, managed to convince its members to change their views on the European Union two decades later thanks to this Charter. By signing the Treaty of Amsterdam in 1997, the UK adopted the Social Charter and accepted the changes brought by the “Social Chapter” included in the Treaty. The Treaty of Amsterdam also introduced the European Employment Strategy. Since then, the UK has endorsed the Social Charter and implemented a range of UE social measures. Despite social policies, the UK compared to its European partners is considered as “the Anglo-Saxon model” available in the US because Margaret Thacher's economic policies have not been deeply modified and at the European level, there are British particularities as far as labour law and industrial relations are concerned. Yet despite such disparities, the European Council considered in 2002 that the employment policies carried out in the UK were in accordance with the European Employment Strategy. This thesis examines how the European Employment Strategy is operating in the UK. The analysis focuses on how the European guidelines are implemented in the UK labour market regulation. The aim is to shed light on a paradox: on the one hand, the UK labour market has its own specificities which are not similar to other European countries; and on the other, the employment policies pursued in the UK comply with the European guidelines within the European Employment Strategy.