Inspired by the contestatory debate over whether globalisation has brought more benefits or disadvantages, and feminist movements all over the world gaining more agency and leverage every day, this paper is an attempt to connect said components. Morocco is a case where both are highly present. Elements such as the country’s location with neighbouring countries on two continents, a history of a fight for independence, an economy that has undergone major reorganisation, and exceptional feminist movements, will prove paramount for the paper. The purpose is to study whether the feminist movements in Morocco have had a positive impact on the situation of female labourers, a group that has grown rapidly due to a combination of aforementioned elements. Theories of New Institutional Economics, the disproportionate effects of structural adjustment on women, and the importance of social movements to achieve change will be applied in an attempt to find connections. A frame analysis will be carried out and compared to legislative changes affecting female workers, to test whether these theories can be confirmed or dismissed. The results indicate that there is reason to believe that feminist movements have had an influence on labour rights legislation, and also that Morocco is more complex in this aspect than it might initially have seemed.

This thesis is a socio-legal study of the employment conditions of temporary foreign workers (TFWs) in the Saudi Arabian labour market in general and the construction sector in particular, with emphasis on low-skilled TFWs. This thesis adopts a socio-legal approach to the human rights situation of low-skilled TFWs working in the Saudi construction sector. By using migration theories, a human rights-based approach and Islamic perspectives on labour rights, the study questions the efficacy of Saudi domestic law in providing protection to low-skilled foreign workers in the construction sector. This is done by examining the current labour admission policies and the structure of the regulatory framework, including the ‘kafala’ system, recruitment procedures, employment law, working conditions, occupational safety and health hazards and access to the justice system. Grounded theory methodology is followed, with empirical data collection using semi-structured interviewing techniques in two major Saudi cities, Riyadh and Makkah. The data collected from the fieldwork provides the basis for understanding the current situation of low-skilled TFWs, by listening to their experiences. The thesis finds a link between the legal status of temporary foreign workers and the work visa system, which leads to a continuation of exploitation, mistreatment, discrimination, forced labour and the servitude of foreign labour in Saudi Arabia.

Orientador: Jose Dari Krein / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T02:12:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Camilo_DeniseCorassa_M.pdf: 1488706 bytes, checksum: a33943803c1423273619abb98133454b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Esta dissertação tem como objeto as Comissões de Conciliação Prévia. As Comissões de Conciliação são uma esfera privada de composição dos conflitos individuais do trabalho, organizadas e geridas pelos Sindicatos. Foram criadas com o objetivo de desafogar a Justiça do Trabalho e modernizar o sistema nacional de regulação das relações trabalhistas no Brasil. Elas se inserem no movimento mais geral de flexibilização dos direitos trabalhistas deflagrado no Brasil a partir dos anos 1990. A hipótese considerada é a de que as políticas e a ideologia neoliberal, o processo de abertura da economia e a reestruturação produtiva criaram um campo fértil para a flexibilização das relações de trabalho, e que isso só contribuiu para a retirada de direitos e para a precarização do trabalho. Nesse sentido, entende-se que as Comissões de Conciliação Prévia têm o objetivo de enfraquecer a regulação pública do trabalho, conferindo às empresas uma maior autonomia na determinação das condições de contratação, uso e remuneração da força de trabalho. O desenvolvimento do trabalho mostrou que as Comissões de Conciliação Prévia não contribuíram para a redução do número de demandas submetidas à apreciação da Justiça do Trabalho e que elas têm sido utilizadas como um mecanismo informal de eliminação das normas de proteção ao trabalho / Abstract: The purpose of this dissertation is to analysis the Previous Reconciliation Commissions. The Reconciliation Commissions are a private sphere of composition of work individual conflicts, wchich are organized and managed by the Labor Unions. The Commissions have been created to unclog the Labor Justice and to update the national system of regulation of the labour relantioships in Brazil. They are inserted in the more general moviment of flexibilization of the labour rigths iniciated in Brazil from the years 1990. The hypothesis took into consideration is that the neoliberal policy and ideology, the reopening of the economy and the productive reestruturation criated a fruitful field for the flexibilization of the labor relationships and it just contributed for the remove of the rigths and to the labor precariazition. In this sense, it is understood that the Previous Reconciliation Commissions have the purpose of weaken the public regulation of labor, which give the enterprises a bigger autonomy in the determinaton of hire conditions, use and remuneration of labor power. The labor development showed that the Previous Reconciliation Commissions didn¿t contribuate to the decrease of the number of prosecutions submited to appreciaton in the Labor Justice and that they have been used as a informal mechanism of elimination of the labor protaction rules / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

No / The paper examines the existing quasi-legal means by which international labour standards may be protected. The paper considers the nature of the challenge that global capital creates for labour, the development of the ILO’s labour standards and the consequences of its shift towards promotional principles, the growth of corporate voluntary initiatives by multinational corporations and finally the associated debates around the inclusion of social clauses in trade agreements. The analysis suggests that the ILO’s shift to ‘promotional principles’ and the formal acceptance of voluntary self-regulation from the late-1990s has not significantly improved the situation for workers, but was a pragmatic response driven in part by US policy and the increasing marginalization of the ILO within the global system of economic governance. It is argued that even if the many political obstacles could be overcome, the result of including social clauses in WTO trade agreements may not be straightforward. In conclusion it is argued that in some respects the existing system has ‘privatised’ labour rights.

No

This paper focuses on the the interplay between Free Trade Zones (FTZs) and labour rights. It seeks to determine the effects of FTZs on the full realization of labour rights in Mozambique and Namibia. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Paulo Comoane of the Unicersidade Eduardo Mondlane, Maputo, Mozambique. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This thesis contributes to debates regarding the future of organised labour, the ability of global civil society networks to influence the practices of powerful institutions, and the value of non-state forms of corporate regulation. It focuses on the anti-sweatshop movement’s campaigns targeting three transnational corporations (TNCs) which design and market sportswear—Nike, Reebok and Adidas. These three TNCs are members of the Fair Labour Association (FLA), a voluntary, non-state regulatory system negotiated between participating companies and a number of civil society organisations. The thesis assesses how the FLA’s processes, the companies’ own labour programs, and interventions by labour activists are combining to influence sportswear workers’ rights to form trade unions and bargain collectively. The thesis is based on decentred, institutionalist characterisations of the firm and its regulation. From this perspective, an effective system for regulating corporate labour practices must powerfully insert discourses promoting workers’ rights into the internal debates, power plays and resulting regularised processes which produce corporate behaviour. Whereas many theoretical approaches portray voluntary regulatory initiatives as antithetical to state regulation, this thesis is influenced by those institutionalist thinkers who argue that effective voluntary initiatives can help build the political will necessary for regulatory reform by states. Research methods employed in this thesis include interviews with Indonesian workers, FLA board members, company representatives and anti-sweatshop activists. This research indicates labour compliance staff within Nike, Reebok and Adidas have made serious, if inconsistent, efforts to persuade suppliers to respect labour rights. These efforts have been undermined by their colleagues in buying departments, who have intensified demands that suppliers produce cheaply and quickly. Partly as a result of this tension, the labour programs of Nike, Reebok and Adidas have only contributed to improved respect for trade union rights in a relatively small number of sportswear factories, and in some cases these improvements have proved fragile. The FLA’s regulatory system relies on participating TNCs threatening to cut orders if their suppliers fail to comply with the FLA’s labour code. This thesis argues that if TNC compliance staff could also offer incentives—such as higher prices or more stable, long-term ordering relationships—then it would enhance their ability to convince suppliers to respect trade union rights. Such a change would require TNCs to give a higher priority to labour rights than to cost-minimisation. Unfortunately, within Nike, Reebok and Adidas, labour rights and other ethical agendas appear to be in the process of being subsumed into a more dominant discourse associated with profit-making and growth, so that labour compliance staff must establish the “business case” for each aspect of their regulatory work. The anti-sweatshop movement has a loose, networked form of organisation which has proved remarkably successful in putting public pressure on sportswear corporations to accept responsibility for labour conditions in their supply networks. If the movement wants to see substantial improvements in respect for sportswear workers’ trade union rights, then it needs to persuade sports companies to go further and make costly improvements to their labour rights programs. Relatively broad agreement across the movement on a system of rating companies’ progress would likely help achieve this ambitious goal, not least by offering opportunities for re-invigorating the movement itself.

The 1990s have seen an extraordinary growth industry in books and articles about globalization. However, far too much of this material has reinforced the message that globalization is an unstoppable force sweeping away national sovereignty and inevitably creating a brave new world of borderless and boundless consumerism. This essay in view of political economics to realize globalization influence, especially for ¡¥Labour Rights¡¦. Because of neo-liberalism¡¦s globalization is expanding the disparity between the rich and the poor. For International Labour Organization(ILO) describes:¡uglobalization increasing unemployment rate ,a growing proportion of structural unemployment ,a growth of new jobs which for an important part are non-standard jobs(such as contract labour)¡v.The impact of globalization on labour and Trade Unions, International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) argued that Trade Unions have declined. Besides, labour class has divided from ¡¥peripheral employees¡¦ and ¡¥core employees¡¦. The former to represent unskilled workers , their wage lower and job easy to replace by foreign labour. Globalization creating a crowd of migrant workers, their labour rights needs to protect. Foreign workers to leave their own country to earn a living, they are new industrial reserve army. Because their jobs belong to¡u3D¡v(dirty,dangerous,difficult). They replace peripheral employees by lower wages and bad work conditions. ILO argued must to protect. Foreign workers, because they are minimum labour standards. From this essay viewpoint, Globalization to influence global labour rights. The state, International Organization(ILO,ICFTU),transnational corporation (TNCs) are leading roles. The state to play a decisive role, because the state can use policy and laws to protect labour rights¡F ILO to play a core role from protect labour rights issue, specially its International Labour Standard (ILS,1998)¡FTNCs to play a free-will role, likes anti-sweatshop movement and corporation social responsibility (CSR). From the whole viewpoint, this essay focuses on globalization and labour rights. This article to believe globalization change labour rights, because labour migration increasing. And in the new times, leading roles will hold new influence. Taiwan in this wave of globalization wills how to suit, especially foreign workers issue.

Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This thesis contributes to debates regarding the future of organised labour, the ability of global civil society networks to influence the practices of powerful institutions, and the value of non-state forms of corporate regulation. It focuses on the anti-sweatshop movement’s campaigns targeting three transnational corporations (TNCs) which design and market sportswear—Nike, Reebok and Adidas. These three TNCs are members of the Fair Labour Association (FLA), a voluntary, non-state regulatory system negotiated between participating companies and a number of civil society organisations. The thesis assesses how the FLA’s processes, the companies’ own labour programs, and interventions by labour activists are combining to influence sportswear workers’ rights to form trade unions and bargain collectively. The thesis is based on decentred, institutionalist characterisations of the firm and its regulation. From this perspective, an effective system for regulating corporate labour practices must powerfully insert discourses promoting workers’ rights into the internal debates, power plays and resulting regularised processes which produce corporate behaviour. Whereas many theoretical approaches portray voluntary regulatory initiatives as antithetical to state regulation, this thesis is influenced by those institutionalist thinkers who argue that effective voluntary initiatives can help build the political will necessary for regulatory reform by states. Research methods employed in this thesis include interviews with Indonesian workers, FLA board members, company representatives and anti-sweatshop activists. This research indicates labour compliance staff within Nike, Reebok and Adidas have made serious, if inconsistent, efforts to persuade suppliers to respect labour rights. These efforts have been undermined by their colleagues in buying departments, who have intensified demands that suppliers produce cheaply and quickly. Partly as a result of this tension, the labour programs of Nike, Reebok and Adidas have only contributed to improved respect for trade union rights in a relatively small number of sportswear factories, and in some cases these improvements have proved fragile. The FLA’s regulatory system relies on participating TNCs threatening to cut orders if their suppliers fail to comply with the FLA’s labour code. This thesis argues that if TNC compliance staff could also offer incentives—such as higher prices or more stable, long-term ordering relationships—then it would enhance their ability to convince suppliers to respect trade union rights. Such a change would require TNCs to give a higher priority to labour rights than to cost-minimisation. Unfortunately, within Nike, Reebok and Adidas, labour rights and other ethical agendas appear to be in the process of being subsumed into a more dominant discourse associated with profit-making and growth, so that labour compliance staff must establish the “business case” for each aspect of their regulatory work. The anti-sweatshop movement has a loose, networked form of organisation which has proved remarkably successful in putting public pressure on sportswear corporations to accept responsibility for labour conditions in their supply networks. If the movement wants to see substantial improvements in respect for sportswear workers’ trade union rights, then it needs to persuade sports companies to go further and make costly improvements to their labour rights programs. Relatively broad agreement across the movement on a system of rating companies’ progress would likely help achieve this ambitious goal, not least by offering opportunities for re-invigorating the movement itself.

This article develops the historical process of the formation of the concept of decent work, its basic guidelines and as its content has been altered by the increasing globalization of the market and the globalization of labor rights. Finally, after analyzing the notion of decent work from different perspectives, the author focus on the cumulative perspective and develop its content. / El presente artículo desarrolla el procedimiento histórico de la formación del concepto de trabajo decente, sus lineamientos básicos y como su contenido se ha ido alterando por la creciente globalización del mercado y la universalización de los derechos laborales. Finalmente, después de haber analizado la noción de trabajo decente desde diferentes perspectivas, el autor se centrara en la perspectiva cumulativa y desarrollará su contenido.