<p>The distribution of land was one of the largest tasks of the colonial government in Upper Canada. This dissertation reviews that monumental distribution of resources from the perspective of those government agents, Crown land agents and surveyors, who gave practical effect to an array of policies, including the distribution of land to individuals, within the period when land sales, rather than free grants, dominated the land policy beginning in 1837 until 1870, by which time arable land was in short supply. While the land policies of Upper Canada have been examined in detail, little research exists to shed light on the application of those policies with regards to actual settlers. Notably, the place of cultural and social values with regards to settlers and land allocation has been disregarded, especially in terms of the ideas of worth and worthiness. Most research in this field has focused on politics, political development, state formation, and the role of the elite. Yet, the concern of government agents was not centered solely on maintaining strict government control but also on acting as advocates for those settlers who were seen as making a contribution to the growth of a successful colony. In mediating between the government and the people, agents expressed their own ideas about the meaning of land ownership and who would make the best settlers, especially with regards to squatters. The presence of an active pre-patent market in land claims further expanded the role of agents into one of adjudicators. Evidence shows that surveyors and land agents seemed more concerned with applying what they saw as the spirit, rather than the letter of the official land policy. They sought to encourage settlement and improvement in order to create a stable and prosperous society which had as its foundation successful family farms.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa's history led to an unequal distribution in land ownership, which is not conducive to democratic consolidation. Land refortn is the means to address this problem. However, land reform, part of the larger process of transformation, is a potentially dangerous process: it can have negative implications on the rule of law. The objective of this study is to provide an analysis of the dynamic relationship between land reform, the rule of law and transformation in South Africa, within the debate on democratic consolidation. One can distinguish two paradigms regarding democracy: the liberal paradigm and the liberationist paradigm. These two paradigms have divergent views on the way land reform and transformation should be implemented, and what the goal of these two processes is. The liberal paradigm would seem to be more favourable for democratic consolidation, while the liberationist paradigm is a breeding ground for populist transformation. Furthermore, the negotiated constitutional settlement has left land reform with an ambiguity. On the one hand the constitution forces the govemment to address land reform, but on the other hand it firmly entrenches the private property rights by enforcing the 'willing buyer, willing seller' principle, which makes the process more costly and time consuming. The main hypothesis of this study is: Demographic indicators (race, party affiliation and provincial setting) influence support or rejection of the land reform policies of the South African govemment. Tbe dependent variable is 'support or rejection of the government's land reform policies'. Support for the govemment's land reform policies is indicative of the liberal paradigm and rejection of the govemment's policies is indicative of the liberationist paradigm. It is found that the majority of South Africans reject the govemment's land reform policies. However, strong divisions are evident. Respondents differ along racial, party affiliation and provincial lines. Thus, the liberationist paradigm dominates, but the liberal paradigm has a strong presence, creating an ideologically divided society. This means that the legitimacy of South Africa's land reform project, as well as the legitimacy of the constitution, is under stress. This does not bode well for democratic consolidation, as the rule of law is under severe threat. Thus, one can conclude that land reform is not going to make a positive contribution to the consolidation of South Africa's democracy, if a substantial financial injection is not found to increase the efficiency of the process. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika se geskiedenis het aanleiding gegee tot 'n ongelyke verspreiding van grondeienaarskap. Dit is nie gunstig vir demokratiese konsolidasie nie. Grondhervorming IS die mamer waarmee die probleem aangespreek kan word. Grondhervorming, deel van die groter proses van transformasie, is egter 'n potensieel gevaarlike proses: dit kan negatiewe implikasies vir regsoewereiniteit hê. Die doel van hierdie tesis is om 'n analise van die dinamiese wisselwerking tussen grondhervorming, regsoewereiniteit en transformasie te verskaf, binne die debat oor demokratiese konsolidasie. Daar kan aangaande demokrasie tussen twee paradigmas onderskei word: die liberale paradigma en die bevrydings (liberationist) paradigma. Hierdie twee paradigmas het teenstrydige perspektiewe oor die manier waarop grondhervorming, sowel as transformasie, geïmplementeer behoort te word, sowel as wat die doel van hierdie twee prosesse is. Die liberale paradigma is meer geskik vir demokratiese konsolidasie, terwyl die bevrydings paradigma 'n teelaarde vir populistiese transformasie is. Verder het die onderhandelde grondwetlike skikking grondhervorming in 'n teenstrydigheid geplaas. Aan die een kant vereis die grondwet dat die regering grondhervorming moet aanspreek, maar aan die anderkant bied dit 'n ferm onderskraging van private eiedomsreg deur op die 'gewillige koper, gewillige verkoper' beginsel aan te dring. Dit maak die grondhervormings proses langer en duurder. Die hoof hipotese van die studie is: Demografiese indikatore (ras, partyaffiliasie en provinsie) beïnvloed ondersteuning of verwerpmg van die regering se grondhervormingsbeleid. Die afhanklike veranderlike IS 'ondersteuning of verwerping van die regering se grondhervormingsbeleid '. Ondersteuning van die regering se grondhervormingsbeleid dui op die liberale paradigma, en die verwerping daarvan dui op die bevrydings paradigma. Daar word bevind dat die meerderheid Suid-Afrikaners die regenng se Respondente verskil volgens ras, partyaffiliasie en provinsie. Dus, die bevrydings paradigma domineer, maar die liberale paradigma het ook 'n sterk teenwoordigheid. Dit sorg vir 'n ideologies verdeelde samelewing. Dit beteken dat die legitimiteit van Suid-Afrika se grondhervormings projek, sowel as die legitimiteit van die grondwet, in gedrang is. Dit is nie 'n goeie teken vir demokratiese konsolidasie nie, aangesien dit regsoewereiniteit in die gedrang bring. Daarom kan daar tot die gevolg gekom word dat grondhervorming nie 'n positiewe bydrae ten opsigte van die konsolidasie van Suid-Afrikaanse demokrasie sal maak nie, tensy daar 'n beduidende finansiële inspuiting gevind kan word.

No description available.

Orientador: Lúcia Helena de Oliveira Gerardi / Banca: Ariovaldo Umbelino de Oliveira / Banca: Antonio Nivaldo Hespanhol / Banca: Juergen Richard Langenbuch / Banca: Paulo Roberto Teixeira Godoy / Resumo: Esta tese tem como objetivo principal analisar a produção do espaço urbano em Jales e os principais agentes produtores. Para compreender essa produção, analisou-se a constituição das frentes de expansão e pioneira na apropriação da terra no Noroeste paulista. A apropriação ocorreu de forma ilícita por meio da grilagem de terras nas primeiras décadas do século XX. A partir do final da primeira metade desse século, foram fundadas cidades para incrementar projetos imobiliários com objetivos de fragmentar a terra em pequenas propriedades. Esse processo contribuiu para a desconcentração fundiária no extremo Noroeste, com predomínio de pequenos estabelecimentos rurais de base familiar e com diversificação agrícola. Os projetos imobiliários compuseram a gênese da rede urbana formada, na maioria, por cidades com menos de 10 mil habitantes. Jales foi a primeira cidade fundada na região e tornou-se o centro dessa rede urbana, pois concentra atividades comerciais e os serviços de maior complexidade regional. A drenagem de renda regional, principalmente fundiária, contribuiu e contribui para a produção do espaço urbano em Jales, principalmente através dos empreendimentos imobiliários destinados a residências e prédios comerciais e de serviços. A produção do espaço urbano em Jales é determinada por dois agentes principais: o poder público e os herdeiros do fundador Euphly Jalles. As relações desses dois agentes são pautadas pelos princípios do poder local, apresentando-se momentos de aproximação e outros de conflitos. Mas o propósito elementar dos Jalles é a extração da renda da terra por meio de suas modalidades (absoluta, diferencial e de monopólio) por possuírem terras sob seus domínios nos arredores da cidade, promovendo empreendimentos imobiliários e apropriando-se de ganhos imobiliários extraordinários através de contratos de enfiteuse. / Abstract: This thesis is mainly aimed to analyze the urban space production in Jales and the main producing agents. To understand this production, the constitution of front and pioneering expansion was analyzed in the appropriation of the land in the São Paulo Northwest. The appropriation happened illegally through the illegal land occupancy during the first decades of the 20th century. From the end of the first half of this century, cities had been established to develop real estate projects with objectives to break up the land in small properties. This process contributed for the land distribution in the extreme Northwest, with predominance of small agricultural establishments of familiar base and with agricultural diversification. The real estate projects had composed the genesis of the formed urban net mainly by cities with less than 10 thousand inhabitants. Jales was the first city established in the region and it became the center of this urban net, as it concentrates commercial activities and the services with the biggest regional complexity. The draining of regional income, mainly agrarian, contributed and contributes for the production of the urban space in Jales, mainly through the residential, commercial and services building real estate enterprises. The production of the urban space in Jales is determined by two main agents: the public power and the heirs of the founder Euphly Jalles. The relations of these two agents are ruled by the principles of the local power, facing moments of approach and others of conflicts. But the elementary purpose of the Jalles is the extraction of the income of the land by means of its modalities (absolute, differential and of monopoly) for possessing lands under its domains in the surroundings of the city, promoting real estate enterprises and assuming themselves of extraordinary real estate profits through emphyteusis contracts. / Doutor

<p>This thesis deals with the National Society Against Emigration (Sw.Nationalföreningen mot emigrationen) – referred to as the NE – and its radical right-wing leader Adrian Molin. Th e NE was founded in 1907 in order to stem the tide of emigration from Sweden and facilitate re-immigration by providing jobs and accomodation. Its many bureaus served as employment offi ces, land distribution centres and own-your-own-home companies, mainly aimed at creating smallholdings for Swedish working-class families.</p><p>The purpose of the study is to investigate the organization, concept and practise of the internal colonization of rural Sweden between 1907 and 1925. By following both the successes and setbacks of the NE during the first decades of the twentieth century, ideas and opportunities circulating in Swedish society in a time of wide-ranging ideological and material change are discussed. Questions in focus include why a society to prevent</p><p>emigration from Sweden emerged at that particular time; the function it served for both society and the state; the form internal colonization actually took and how it was conducted in comparison with other governmental and private agricultural reforms; and the attitude of the NE toward modernization in general. Theoretically the dissertation takes its point of departure in theories on nation-building and internal colonization (i.e., the establishment of small-scale farming and the cultivation of new land within the national borders), corporatism and attitudes toward modernization. The ideological analysis has been inspired by political scientist Michael Freeden´s theory of the construction of political ideologies via political concepts, as well as an analysis of the view of social categories such as gender, class and ethnicity. The source material is comprised of magazines, newspaper articles, letters and books and offi cial parliamentary publications. The practise of internal colonization has been studied with the aid of preserved accounts of the NE’s small-scale farming colonies, real estate documents, company reports, correspondance and further press materials.</p><p>The surge of anti-emigration attitudes is explained as a powerful reaction arising at the turn of the century due to the economic upswing in Swedish industry and the social transformations which followed in the 1890s, when the country was seen as a nation with a promising future. That Adrian Molin founded the NE in 1907 is viewed as a consequence of his nationalistic thought. Together with political scientist Prof. Rudolf Kjellén, Molin was one of the country´s foremost advocates of an integrative nationalism.</p><p>The NE was led by an elite of middle- and upper-class men involved in politics, industry and voluntary associations. Female members and representatives of the lower social classes were mostly absent. In general the NE neglected women in both speeches and plans, being preoccupied with ideas concerning the cultivation of middle-class Swedish men.</p><p>The NE became a co-actor in a corporative colonization eff ort sanctioned by government financing during the 1910s. In 1920 the NE’s projects were condemned as hierarchical and undemocratic in comparison with other own-home organizations. Many other own-home companies were built on a cooperative foundation,</p><p>while the NE was run by a national, regional, and local political and financial elite. Suspicions were raised about the raison d´être of the society. The state withdrew its subsidies and loans, and the NE lost it close connections with the government. Though conservative and reactionary in social issues, the NE cannot be characterized as critical of civilization or economic modernization of the country. Its programme intended to aid in the development</p><p>of both agriculture and industry. The creation of more smallholdings would help bridge the problematic transition between two systems, from agrarian to industrial society.</p>

This thesis deals with the National Society Against Emigration (Sw.Nationalföreningen mot emigrationen) – referred to as the NE – and its radical right-wing leader Adrian Molin. Th e NE was founded in 1907 in order to stem the tide of emigration from Sweden and facilitate re-immigration by providing jobs and accomodation. Its many bureaus served as employment offi ces, land distribution centres and own-your-own-home companies, mainly aimed at creating smallholdings for Swedish working-class families. The purpose of the study is to investigate the organization, concept and practise of the internal colonization of rural Sweden between 1907 and 1925. By following both the successes and setbacks of the NE during the first decades of the twentieth century, ideas and opportunities circulating in Swedish society in a time of wide-ranging ideological and material change are discussed. Questions in focus include why a society to prevent emigration from Sweden emerged at that particular time; the function it served for both society and the state; the form internal colonization actually took and how it was conducted in comparison with other governmental and private agricultural reforms; and the attitude of the NE toward modernization in general. Theoretically the dissertation takes its point of departure in theories on nation-building and internal colonization (i.e., the establishment of small-scale farming and the cultivation of new land within the national borders), corporatism and attitudes toward modernization. The ideological analysis has been inspired by political scientist Michael Freeden´s theory of the construction of political ideologies via political concepts, as well as an analysis of the view of social categories such as gender, class and ethnicity. The source material is comprised of magazines, newspaper articles, letters and books and offi cial parliamentary publications. The practise of internal colonization has been studied with the aid of preserved accounts of the NE’s small-scale farming colonies, real estate documents, company reports, correspondance and further press materials. The surge of anti-emigration attitudes is explained as a powerful reaction arising at the turn of the century due to the economic upswing in Swedish industry and the social transformations which followed in the 1890s, when the country was seen as a nation with a promising future. That Adrian Molin founded the NE in 1907 is viewed as a consequence of his nationalistic thought. Together with political scientist Prof. Rudolf Kjellén, Molin was one of the country´s foremost advocates of an integrative nationalism. The NE was led by an elite of middle- and upper-class men involved in politics, industry and voluntary associations. Female members and representatives of the lower social classes were mostly absent. In general the NE neglected women in both speeches and plans, being preoccupied with ideas concerning the cultivation of middle-class Swedish men. The NE became a co-actor in a corporative colonization eff ort sanctioned by government financing during the 1910s. In 1920 the NE’s projects were condemned as hierarchical and undemocratic in comparison with other own-home organizations. Many other own-home companies were built on a cooperative foundation, while the NE was run by a national, regional, and local political and financial elite. Suspicions were raised about the raison d´être of the society. The state withdrew its subsidies and loans, and the NE lost it close connections with the government. Though conservative and reactionary in social issues, the NE cannot be characterized as critical of civilization or economic modernization of the country. Its programme intended to aid in the development of both agriculture and industry. The creation of more smallholdings would help bridge the problematic transition between two systems, from agrarian to industrial society.

Baigiamojo darbo tikslas yra išanalizuoti ir pagrįsti žemės naudojimą Šiaulių rajone. Baigiamojo darbo uždaviniai: išanalizuoti žemės naudojimą reglamentuojančius dokumentus, taip pat išnagrinėti Šiaulių rajono žemės naudojimo ypatumus bei pagrįsti žemės naudojimą Šiaulių rajone. Lietuva yra nedidelė šalis, tačiau gamtinės sąlygos joje gana skirtingos. Tai dirvožemių įvairovė, nevienodas reljefas, net klimato skirtumai. Lyginant dirvožemius, reljefą ir klimatą, šalyje išskirtos trys gamtinės zonos – Vakarų, Vidurio ir Rytų. Šiaulių rajonas yra Lietuvos šiaurės vakarų dalyje - Rytų Europos lygumos pakraštyje, Lietuvos vidurio žemumoje. Rajono savivaldybės bendras žemės plotas 2012 m. sausio 1 d. siekia 180732 ha, iš jų žemės ūkio naudmenų plotas sudaro 10315 ha, tame skaičiuje: 90904 ha ariama žemė, 1260 ha sodai, 10988 ha pievos ir natūralios ganyklos. Rajone yra 59586 ha miškų. Šiaulių rajone privačios žemės plotas sudaro 108676 ha , 72048 ha yra valstybinė žemė - nusausintos žemės plotas 29713 ha. Rajono teritorijoje vyraujančios žemumos - tinkamos žemdirbystei, todėl čia gausu žemės ūkio bei jo produktų perdirbimo įmonių. Yra ir laisvų žemės plotų, tinkamų verslo plėtrai, su netoliese esančiomis komunikacijomis (dujotiekiu, elektros bei vandentiekio magistraliniais tinklais). Šiaulių rajono žemės naudojimo pagrindimui turi įtakos tiek pačios žemės pasiskirstymas pagal paskirtis, tiek kraštovaizdžio ypatybės, turizmas, naudingosios iškasenos bei ūkininkų skaičius ir ūkių... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The aim of this graduation paper is to analyse land use in Siauliai district. Objectives of the work: analysis of land use regulations, documents, also analysis of land use characteristics based on the use of land in Siauliai district. Although Lithuania is a small country, it has many natural variations. It has a variety of soils, relief and climatic differences too. When comparing soil, relief and climate, Lithuania can be divided into three regions – West, Central and East. Siauliai region is in North west of Lithuania – on the edge of the East Europe flatlands. As on January 1st 2012 the land area totals 180,732ha. This comprises 10,315 ha of agricultural land, made up of 90,904 ha of arable land, 1,260 ha of gardens and 10,988 ha of grassland and natural pasture. In Siauliai region there are 59,586 ha forests. Private land amounts to 108,676 ha, 72,048 ha is state land and drained land amounts to 29713 ha. Because much of the land is suitable for agriculture, there are many agricultural and product recycling companies in existence. Siauliai region land use depends on land distribution, landscape properties, tourism, minerals, also farmers and farms size. Land use perspective is not about analysis of statistic data, but also evaluation of all factors, on which land uses and intensity depends. Under the current farm specialization provides, that it is more in line with the development needs of industries, environmental protection and management of land use requirements... [to full text]

Introduction: Land reform is one of the consistently debated, complex and contested subjects in the South African development discourse. Many impoverished communities have been dispossessed of their land during the colonial past. Indicators, measures and evidence of success in land reform are scant, anecdotal and poorly documented. Aim: The aim of this study is to determine whether land reform in South Africa can indeed yield positive development outcomes. In the absence of clear indicators to measure successful land reform, the researcher uses case study methodology to evaluate the impact of land reform on a particular community, the Barolong-Balemirui Project in the North West Province. Methodology: Generic Qualitative methods are used to collect and analyse data collected from (n=45) participants. Within this, multiple data collection approaches that include document analysis, informal discussions and unstructured interviews were utilised to gain insights into the role played by South African land reform across a range of developmental outcome areas. Findings: The study found that land reform could indeed, produce positive development among the impoverished communities in South Africa. This empirical exploration also highlights that the success of land reform programmes and projects depends on many interlinked variables which include enabling policies; the availability of support from development institutions; the private sector and the state, the commitment of the beneficiaries in utilising the land for development purposes as well as the appropriateness of the identified development objectives. The development inputs and outputs of a successful land reform project are therefore multifaceted and complex. Conclusion: This study emphasises the importance of the participation of beneficiaries in the evaluation of land reform projects to determine real and lasting developmental impact. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

Introduction: Land reform is one of the consistently debated, complex and contested subjects in the South African development discourse. Many impoverished communities have been dispossessed of their land during the colonial past. Indicators, measures and evidence of success in land reform are scant, anecdotal and poorly documented. Aim: The aim of this study is to determine whether land reform in South Africa can indeed yield positive development outcomes. In the absence of clear indicators to measure successful land reform, the researcher uses case study methodology to evaluate the impact of land reform on a particular community, the Barolong-Balemirui Project in the North West Province. Methodology: Generic Qualitative methods are used to collect and analyse data collected from (n=45) participants. Within this, multiple data collection approaches that include document analysis, informal discussions and unstructured interviews were utilised to gain insights into the role played by South African land reform across a range of developmental outcome areas. Findings: The study found that land reform could indeed, produce positive development among the impoverished communities in South Africa. This empirical exploration also highlights that the success of land reform programmes and projects depends on many interlinked variables which include enabling policies; the availability of support from development institutions; the private sector and the state, the commitment of the beneficiaries in utilising the land for development purposes as well as the appropriateness of the identified development objectives. The development inputs and outputs of a successful land reform project are therefore multifaceted and complex. Conclusion: This study emphasises the importance of the participation of beneficiaries in the evaluation of land reform projects to determine real and lasting developmental impact. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)