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The relationship of language to the study and practice of political theory is the subject of the following analysis. Though by no means a "new" or even overlooked topic, it has experienced keen and lively debate. This was especially the case in the 1960s and 1970s, when advocates of political theory's "demise" and/or "rebirth" as a field of inquiry both took recourse in what they deemed to be the "lessons" of language. Today, however, debate has focused on the question of whether or not a more directly linguistic approach to the study and practice of political theory (as is exhibited, for example, in the works of, among others, Habermas, Flathman, and Shapiro) is in fact "political." Increasingly, the position is today that it is not. Some (Baumgold, 1981; Gunnell, 1979) even claim language a threat to theory's properly political foundations (Chapter One). I argue the contrary. Building from both the Wittgensteinian and Habermasian schools of thought (Chapters Two and Three) and, even more importantly, from the linguistic practices of Hobbes and Tocqueville (Chapter Four), study reveals language not only relevant but central to the discipline as even Baumgold and Gunnell understand it. As will be shown below, language's significance is grounded in its value as both a unit for political analysis and as a medium for political participation.

Typescript. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii, 1968. / Bibliography: leaves [121]-124. / x, 139 l tables

Thesis (MEd (Education))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2016. / Language is foundational to issues of belonging in contemporary South Africa. The country’s colonial and apartheid history facilitated the differential development and privileging of particular languages alongside the project of racial capitalism (Alexander, 1989). Educational arrangements were affected by these developments because of how black South Africans were economically and socially limited by rudimentary exposure to the primary languages of access (English and Afrikaans). This study argues that this history is what currently influences the movement of black South Africans into the schools they were historically excluded from in former coloured, Indian and white areas, and further that this movement is also encouraged by the promise of greater access to and development in the English language (Fataar, 2015). It suggests that the persisting status of English as lingua franca across state, educational and cultural communications and products requires teaching that is sensitive to the historical relationship of the language to the underdevelopment and undervaluation of local linguistic forms. Moreover, the subject English and its embedded values and norms (included in the compulsory texts and textbook) is a critical area of enquiry for thinking through issues of social cohesion and belonging. Through case studies of three Cape Town teachers, this study argues that a range of influences affect how language and meaning are constructed in English classrooms, and that learners experience these influences to their own identities in different and often conflicting ways.

published_or_final_version / Comparative Asian Studies / Master / Master of Arts

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the effectiveness and inducement of political rhetoric in South African context. Political discourse has become more significant in South Africa since the sanction of a democratic political dispensation. This study is motivated by the events occurred as from 1998, which demand accounts from those implicated. Comments and reactions pertaining to events such as the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC)- led land grabbing in BredeII, near Kempton Park, Gauteng; the Youth Day incident -16 June 2001; the ongoing tug-of-war between the ANC and its ally, Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) over strategic government policies; and Tony Yengeni's advertised refutation of getting kickbacks from the 'Arms Deal', have been the main focus of this study. These accounts have made it possible to apply Benoit's (1995) integrated image restoration strategies theory, which he developed from a variety of theories developed to understanding why certain utterances are made in certain contexts. The fundamental approach to developing Benoit's integrated theory originates from a constant interest by linguists and communication theorists in particular, and social psychologists in general, to understanding the dynamics of politeness in social context. Chapter 2 of this study presents a theoretical background to the development of politeness theory. Chapter 3 summarises the development of integrated image restoration strategies theory in public and social contexts. Chapter 4 deals with the application of Benoit's integrated image restoration strategies theory through the critical analysis of the abovementioned accounts from a weekly Internet publication, ANC Today, vol 1, no: 1, 2001, which serve as a platform for the ANC to counteract the pervasiveness of political scandal in South African politics. Tony Yengeni's newspaper advertisement was of great interest as it was the first independent and personally paid public statement by a South African politician since the new democratic dispensation. Through the critical analysis of these accounts, it has been found that South African politicians do make public statements implementing defensive and persuasive strategies in order to protect or restore their images. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die doeltreffendheid van die uitoefening van politieke retoriek in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Politieke diskoers het toenemend meer betekenisvol geword sedert die invoer van 'n demokratiese bestel. Hierdie studie is gemotiveer deur die politieke diskoers oor gebeure wat sedert 1998 plaasgevind het, waarvoor die geïmpliseerde persone verduidelikings moes aanbied. Kommentaar en response rakende gebeurtenisse soos die Pan-Afrika Kongres grondbesettings in BredeII, naby Kempton Park, Gauteng; die Jeugdag insident op 16 Junie 2001, die voortgaande dispuut tussen die ANC en sy vennoot, Kongres van Suid- Afrikaanse Werkers Unie (COSATU) oor strategiese regeringsbeleid; en Tony Yengeni se ge-adverteerde weerspreking van bevoordeling uit die Wapenkontrakte, vorm die hooffokus van hierdie studie. Hierdie verduidelikings is ondersoek deur die toepassing van Benoit (1995) se geïntegreerde beeld-herstel strategieë teorie, wat ontwikkel het vanuit 'n verskeidenheid teorieë ontwikkel om te verstaan waarom bepaalde uitinge in bepaalde kontekste gemaak word. Die grondliggende benadering in die ontwikkeling van Benoit se teorie het as oorsprong die belangstelling van taalkundiges en kommunikasie-teoretisie in die besonder, en sosiaal-sielkundiges in die algemeen, om die dinamika te verstaan van beleefdheid in sosiale konteks. Hoofstuk 2 van hierdie studie bied die teoretiese agtergrond van die ontwikkeling van beleefdheidsteorie. Hoofstuk 3 gee 'n opsomming van die ontwikkeling van geïntegreerde beeld-herstel teorie in openbare en sosiale kontekste. Hoofstuk 4 doen 'n toepassing van Benoit se beeld-herstel strategieë teorie deur die kritiese analise van die bogenoemde verduidelikings vanaf die Weeklikse Internet bulletin, 'ANC Today' vol. 1 no. 1, 2001, wat as 'n mondstuk dien vir die ANC om 'n teenstand te bied teen die algemeenheid van politieke skandaal in Suid-Afrikaanse politiek. Tony Yengeni se koerantadvertensie het groot belangstelling uitgelok omdat dit die eerste onafhanklike en persoonlik-betaalde openbare verklaring was wat deur 'n Suid-Afrikaanse politikus gemaak was sedert die instellingvan die demokratiese bestel. Deur die kritiese analise van hierdie verduidelikings is bevind dat Suid-Afrikaanse politici openbare verklarings maak waarin hulle verdedigende en oorredende strategieë implementeer ten einde hul beeld te beskerm en te herstel. / USHWANKATHELO : Olu phando luphonononga ukusebenziseka nokukhuthazeka kokusetyenziswa kobuciko bezopolitiko kwimeko yaseMzantsi Afrika. Idiskhosi yezopolitiko ithande ukubaluleka eMzantsi Afrika ukusukela ngokumiselwa kwenkqubo yolawulo ngedemokrasi. Olu phando lukhuthazwe ziziganeko ezenzeke ukusukela ngo-1998 nezinyanzelise ukunikwa kweeakhawunti ngabo bachaphazelekayo. lintetho neempendulo ezayamene neziganeko ezinjengokurhwaphilizwa komhlaba ngabantu abakhokelwe ngamalungu aphambili e-Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) eBredell ngaseKempton Park, eRhawuntini; isiganeko soSuku loLutsha - 16 Juni 2001; ukuxambulisana phakathi kwe-African National Congress (ANC) kunye nehlakani layo i- Congress of South African Trade Union (Cosatu) ngezicwangciso-nkqubo; kunye nentengiso kaTony Yengeni yokuphika ukufumana izinyobo kuThengo Iwezixhobo, zibe ngumxholo ophambili wolu phando. Ezi akhawunti zenze kukwazeke ukusebenzisa ithiyori ehlangeneyo yobugcisa bokubuyekeza umfanekiso kaBenoit (1995) nayiphuhlise kwiithiyori ezahlukeneyo ezaphuhliselwa ukuqonda kuba kutheni kusenziwa iintetho ezithile ngokweemeko ezithile. Esona siseko singumvulandlela ekuphuhlisweni kwale thiyori kaBenoit sivela kumdla osoloko ukho kwiingcali zolwimi nezonxibelelwano, kunye neesayikholojisti zasekuhlaleni wokufuna ukuqonda ubuchukubhede ngentlonelo kwimeko yasekuhlaleni. Isahluko 2 solu phando sinika imvelaphi yethiyori yokuphuhliswa kwethiyori yentlonelo. Isahluko 3 sishwankathela ukuphuhliswa kwethiyori yobuyekezo lomfanekiso kwimeko yasesidlangalaleni neyasekuhlaleni. Isahluko 4 sijongene nokusetyenziswa kwethiyori yobuyekezo lomfanekiso kaBenoit ngohlalutyo Iwee-akhawunti ezixelwe apha ngentla, nezivela kupapasho Iweveki olukwi-Internet, ANC Today, vol 1, no: 1, 2001 nesebenza njengeqonga le-ANC lokunika izimvo ngeziganeko namanyundululu ezopolitiko eMzantsi Afrika. Intengiso kaTony Yengeni kumaphephandaba yatsala amehlo nanjengoko ibe kokuqala ukwenziwa kwengxelo eloluhlobo ngumpolitiki kweloMzantsi Afrika kweli lixa ledemokrasi. Ngohlalutyo Iwezi akhawunti, kufumaniseke ukuba abapolitiki boMzantsi Afrika bayazenza iingxelo neentetho ezisebenzisa ubugcisa bokuzikhusela nobolukuhlo ngeenjongo zokuzikhusela okanye ukubuyekeza umfanekiso wabo.

published_or_final_version / English Studies / Master / Master of Arts

This essay is premised on two assumptions: first, that concepts change their meaning; second, that the examination of the relationship between language and action - two central components of the public sphere - illuminates the process of change. Three models of conceptual change are critically discussed through their language-action axis. The first, adduced by German historian of concepts Reinhart Koselleck, assumes that conceptual change results from a gap between language and action. The second, put forward by historian of political thought Quentin Skinner, argues that conceptual change is produced by political theorists that are doing something when writing; language, according to this model is (sometimes) a form of action. The third model is derived from the American PC movement, which, it is argued here, presents us with a theory and a practice of conceptual change. According to this model, conceptual change results from a deliberate change of language by social agents. Language, as maintained by this model, is the world; action cannot be discussed separately from language since everything exists only through language. As we move from one model to the next we see that the place language assumes in both political theory and practice is increasing in relation to, and at the expense of, action. This essay argues that the mid-twentieth century "linguistic turn," coupled with the growing influence of postmodernism on political theory and practice, results in a distorted picture of the polls. This weakens the ability of political theory to make intelligible the world around us, and also its effectiveness as a guide for action. This tendency must be remedied i f political theory and practice wishes to remain relevant to the public sphere.

In comparison with Toronto and Winnipeg, structural reform of metropolitan governmental institutions in Montreal has taken considerably longer and has been far less comprehensive. Why? The main objective of this thesis is to answer this question. The answer centres mainly on the existence of two major linguistic communities--a condition not present in the other two cities. The thesis suggests that there have been three different varieties of motivational factors behind the metropolitan reform movement in Montreal: 1) the need to establish new metropolitan institutions to respond to particular crises resulting from the breakdown of local government services; 2) the desire to establish a set of metropolitan structures which meet the requirements of organizational rationality; and 3) the desire of Quebec nationalists to re-arrange local institutions in such a way as to eliminate any official recognition of the English-speaking minority. The first variety of factors serves to explain the creation of the Montreal Urban Community in 1969. The second variety was behind the attempts in the early 1970s to restructure municipal boundaries, to integrate the various municipal police forces, and to re-organize the social service network. The third variety has been important primarily in relation to debates about the re-organization of Montreal's school boards. Judging from recent events, it is likely to become even more apparent in other fields in the near future. Insofar as organizational rationality involves the simplification of governmental structures, the aims of many Quebec nationalists are likely to promote this type of reform rather than hinder it. However, in Montreal, unlike Toronto and Winnipeg, reforms justified solely on the basis of organizational rationality have either not been implemented at all or have been done so in a very slow or modified manner. This can be explained prinarily in terms of the impact of Montreal's linguistic cleavage.