Definido em muitos estudos como uma tentativa frustrada de organização política na década de 1860 do Império do Brasil, nesta tese o Partido Progressista é interpretado como resultado de inovadoras práticas eleitorais e de articulação parlamentar. A pesquisa abrangeu a experiência de sua formação, entre a polêmica bancária de 1857 e a queda do primeiro gabinete de Zacarias de Góis e Vasconcelos, em maio de 1862. A análise dos discursos políticos desse período revela profundas transformações no debate partidário e na compreensão do funcionamento do sistema representativo brasileiro, um rearranjo que, a despeito de surpreender os coevos, foi capaz de manter a esfera do Parlamento distanciada daqueles que os haviam elegido. / In this dissertation contrary to most historiography, where the \"Liga Progressista\" is usually mentioned as a 1860s failured attempt of a new political organization we analyze the Partido Progressista as a direct result of innovative electoral practices and an important offspring of parliamentary reconfigurations. The research encompasses a period of five years, starting with the discussions regarding the new financial policy, in 1857, until the downfall of Zacarias de Goes e Vasconcelos first cabinet, in 1862. Discourses uttered in the period reveal the depth of disputes regarding not only transformations in the political-parties scenery at the time, but also parliamentary debates concerning the understanding of the Brazilian representative system itself. A discussion, with clear consequences, that despite astonishing many contemporaries, was, at the end, able to secure a sequestered sphere for the Legislative Power, maintaining its historical distance from those entitled to choose their representatives.

This thesis explores the issues of language and power in the Qing Empire’s (1644-1911) northeastern borderlands within the larger context of political reforms in late Qing China between 1890 and 1911. To the present, much research on the history of language in late Qing China continues to fall within the framework of national language. Drawing on Manchu and Chinese sources, this thesis argues that the Qing emperors devised a multilingual regime to recreate the imperial polyglot reality and to rule a purposefully diverse but unifying empire. From the seventeenth century, the Qing emperors maintained the special Manchu-Mongol relations by adopting Manchu and Mongolian as the two official languages, restricting the influence of Chinese, and promoting Tibetan in a religious context in the Jirim League. From the 1890s, the Jirim League witnessed a language contest between Manchu, Mongol, Chinese, Japanese and Russian powers which strove to legitimize and maintain their control over the Jirim Mongols. Under the influence of European and Japanese language ideologies, the Qing Empire fostered the learning of Chinese in order to recreate the Jirim Mongols as modern nationals in an integrated China under a constitutional monarchy. Meanwhile, the Qing Empire preserved Manchu and Mongolian, which demonstrated the Manchu characteristic of the constitutional monarchy in a wave of Chinese nationalism. However, the revised language regime undermined the Jirim Mongols’ power and challenged their special position in the traditional Manchu-Mongol relations, which caused disunity and disorder in the borderlands. This thesis challenges the notion of language reform as a linear progress towards Chinese national monolingualism. It demonstrates the political and ritual role of Manchu and Mongolian beyond their communicative and documentary functions, and unfolds the power of language pluralism in Chinese nationalist discourse from a non-Chinese and peripheral perspective. By investigating how ethnic, national, and imperialist powers interacted with one another, this thesis allows us to understand the integration of Manchuria into modern China, East Asia, and the world from a different perspective.

This dissertation explores the boundaries of industrial unionism within and outside of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) in the struggle over what direction the American labor movement would take in the Progressive Era. The experiences of Iowa button worker and labor activist Pearl McGill in two nationally significant strikes between 1911 and 1912 enable us to see more clearly the nuances and ambiguities of these boundaries as industrial workers sought to build more inclusive unions. McGill’s advocacy for both the AFL-affiliated and industrially organized button workers in Iowa and the campaign of textile workers in Lawrence, Massachusetts, assisted by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), to organize on an industrial basis, shine a light on the conundrum faced by AFL leaders. The AFL and its craft union affiliates held fast to an anachronistic approach to organizing in an environment of rapid and technologically transformative industrialization in which the labor of women and ethnic and racial minorities was critical. The AFL’s early federal labor unions, for which Iowa button workers provide a case study, exemplify the strength of the impulse for unionization among mass production workers and show how AFL leaders fostered an institutional response to the growing demand for industrial unions while ensuring that craft unionists continued to dominate the AFL. The Women’s Trade Union League (WTUL) walked a fine, and sometimes precarious, line between its loyalty to the AFL and the demand of working women—notably in the garment and textile industries—for new, inclusive forms of organization. The strikes of women button workers and Lawrence textile workers illustrate the predicament faced by WTUL leaders. Pearl McGill’s short but prominent career as a youthful leader of the Muscatine button workers, a spokesperson for the WTUL, an advocate for women strikers, and a prominent activist with the IWW in Lawrence illuminates these tensions and the appeal of industrial unionism for young working women. This study elevates the importance of Progressive Era federal labor unions as a bridge connecting the local assemblies of the Knights of Labor of the 1880s to the industrial unions that would emerge in the 1930s. It examines the institutional history of the AFL and its bitter struggle with the Knights and establishes the link between the local assemblies of the Knights and the first generation of AFL-affiliated federal labor unions that provided a precedent for later industrial unions. The arc of industrial unionism in the United States can thus be seen as a long, interconnected movement rooted in the principles of general unionism embodied by the Knights and animated by the vital impulse for industrial unionism carried forward by industrially-organized workers of which Iowa button workers provide an important example.

Recent baseball scholarship has drawn attention to U.S. professional baseball’s complex twentieth century labor dynamics and expanding global presence. From debates around desegregation to discussions about the sport’s increasingly multicultural identity and global presence, the cultural politics of U.S. professional baseball is connected to the problem of baseball labor. However, most scholars address these topics by focusing on Major League Baseball (MLB), ignoring other teams and leagues—Minor League Baseball (MiLB)—that develop players for Major League teams. Considering Minor League Baseball is critical to understanding the professional game in the United States, since players who populate Major League rosters constitute a fraction of U.S. professional baseball’s entire labor force. As a digital humanities dissertation on baseball labor and globalization, this project uses digital humanities approaches and tools to analyze and visualize a quantitative data set, exploring how Minor League Baseball relates to and complicates MLB-dominated narratives around globalization and diversity in U.S. professional baseball labor. This project addresses how MiLB demographics and global dimensions shifted over time, as well as how the timeline and movement of foreign-born players through the Minor Leagues differs from their U.S.-born counterparts. This project emphasizes the centrality and necessity of including MiLB data in studies of baseball’s labor and ideological significance or cultural meaning, making that argument by drawing on data analysis, visualization, and mapping to address how MiLB labor complicates or supplements existing understandings of the relationship between U.S. professional baseball’s global reach and “national pastime” claims.

In the early years of the twentieth century, the Ottoman Empire began to crumble due to external wars and internal rebellions dating from about 1908. Due to European influence at the end of the First World War, the Ottoman Empire lost much of its territory in 1919, including Palestine and Syria, comprised of modern-day Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, and Iraq. The European powers incited rebellion among the Middle Eastern peoples to the end of aiding their cause in the portions of the war fought in the Middle East. In return, they promised the Arabs independent nations; in the Treaty of Versailles, the regions were indeed freed from Ottoman rule. The European Allies, however, considered it their responsibility to guide these fledgling independent states; aided by the conclusions of the secretive Sykes-Picot Agreement, as well as preexisting assumptions of the inadequacies of the newly-formed nations to effectively self-rule, the League of Nations decided to create a mandatory system, dividing the regions between Britain and France. Syria and Lebanon fell under French control, and despite the outward appearance of good intentions on the part of the French and British, they were quite imperious in their role as mandatory powers. The Europeans, under the guidance of Sir Mark Sykes of Britain and Georges Picot of France, carved the region into nations that did little to reflect the ethnic and cultural divisions of the region. Dissenters from the Arab world were quickly dealt with, as in the case of Faysal, who argued for the unity and independence of Syria and Lebanon; he eventually lost and was forced to leave Syria, but became the first king of Iraq under British mandate. Popular opinion in Europe tended towards the idea of Arab nations being less civilized, and many nations were more concerned with the status of Germany than with developing an unprejudiced policy towards the Arab nations. Thus those in control of the mandate quickly fell back on old assumptions and past experiences with the region. In this way, inequalities developed that would prove to have a profound impact on regional politics.

Global rankings are a popular way for governments, HEI’s, faculty, staff, and students to compare institutions worldwide, therefore it is important to rank well. However, in order to have top-quality research and education programs, HEI’s need to have significant financial resources. The purpose of this study was to explore the relationship between an institution’s financial resources and its global ranking. The results of this study provide additional insight and a better understanding of global rankings and the nature of the relationship between various financial resources and global rankings. This was a quantitative study that used ranking data from the Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU) and Times Higher Education (THE) World University Rankings, as well as financial data from IPEDS. Descriptive statistics were presented to develop an awareness of the data set characteristics. Linear regression and the Pearson Product-Moment Correlation Coefficient (PPMCC) were reported to gauge the strength of the relationship between the financial resource independent variables and the global ranking dependent variables. This study indicated there was a strong relationship between an institution’s financial resources and its global ranking as there was a strong positive correlation between total revenue and an institution’s global ranking. In addition, the study showed that institutions should continue to self-generate financial resources, such as tuition revenue and research funding. This is especially true for research funding as it had the strongest relationship with ranking, which means institutions would be wise to continue focusing on investing in their research programs. This study also showed that some financial variables such as endowment size and state appropriation only had weak to moderate relationships with the global rankings. Based on this study, one could conclude then that global rankings are influenced by money, which supports the claims of critics that university rankings are biased. Thus, institutions will continue to be challenged to find some balance between investing in what global rankings measure while also maintaining other initiatives that address their core missions but are not counted in the rankings.

Bibliography: leaves 231-291. This thesis investigates key drivers of sponsorship renewal. The market orientation of sponsors, and their perception of their sponsored entity's (property's) market orientation, are analysed as antecedents of the trust invested by sponsors in the relationship, the level of commitment they exhibit and both the economic and non-economic satisfaction they derive from it. Sponsor economic and non-economic satisfaction and their commitment to the relationship are considered to be the ultimate drivers of the decision to renew. The argument is presented that sponsorship is a form of strategic or co-marketing alliance. The Australian Football League, the leading sponsorship property in Australia, is investigated in the empirical part of the thesis.

The historiography of Australian racism has principally "blamed" the labour movement for the existence of the White Australia policy and racist responses to the presence of migrant workers. This study argues that the motivations behind ruling class agitation for the White Australia policy have never been satisfactorily analysed. To address this omission, the role of the Returned and Services League of Australia (RSL) in race relations is examined. As an elite-dominated, cross-class organisation with links to every section of society, it is argued that the RSL was a significant agitator for migrant exclusion and white unity in the interwar period. The thesis employs case studies, oral history and qualitative assessment of various written sources, such as newspapers, archival records and secondary material, in order to plot the dynamics of racist ideology in two major mining centres in the interwar period. The results suggest that, although labour organisations were influenced by racist ideas and frequently protested against the presence of migrant workers, it was also true that mining employers had a material interest in sowing racial division in the workplaces they controlled. The study concludes that labour movement responses to migrant labour incorporated a range of different strategies, from demands for racist exclusion to moves towards international solidarity. It also reveals examples of local and migrant workers living, working, playing and striking together in ways that contradict the dominant view of perpetual tension between workers of different nationalities. Lastly, the case studies demonstrate that local employers actively encouraged racial division in the workplace as a bulwark against industrial militancy.

The purpose of this study was to determine the contribution of different in-season strength and power training frequencies to strength and power performance over the course of a 22 week rugby league competition period. Twenty-eight male (n=28) participants, with both high and low strength pre-training status, were divided into three groups following a 15 week pre-season strength and power training programme. A four week periodised in-season strength and power training programme, with intensities ranging from 75-100%, was cycled for the 22 week competition season. Strength and power training was conducted one day.week(-1) by the first high pre-training status group (HTFL, n=11), and two day.week(-1) by the second high pre-training status group (HTF2, n=9). The low pre-training status group (LTF1, n=8) performed the same strength and power training frequency and programme as HTF1. Training intensity (% 1RM) and volume (sets x repetitions) of in-season strength and power training sessions were standardised for both groups during each training week. Strength, power, and speed data were collected pre-season, and four times during the in-season period. No differences were found between HTF1 and HTF2 in performance variables throughout the 22-week in-season period. Both HTF1 and HTF2 displayed similar significant detraining effects in strength, power, and speed, regardless of in-season training frequency (p<0.05). LTF1 showed no change from pre-season strength and power performance following 22 weeks of the competition period (p<0.05). It was concluded that in-season strength and power training frequency may have a limited role in determining the success of the in-season strength and power training programme in highly trained footballers. The results of the present study suggest a number of factors other than in-season strength and power training frequency may affect in-season strength and power performance and detraining in high strength pre-training status athletes. The effect the start of a competition period has on dynamic athletic performance needs further investigation.

This thesis evaluates Australian rugby league participant violence between 1970 and 1995 through the use of figurational sociology, a body of thought pioneered by Norbert Elias. While figurational theory is the dominant paradigm used, an interdisciplinary focus is adopted in order to negotiate the recognised weaknesses of 'Eliasian' theory, and to complement its strengths. Communication studies, cultural studies and gender theory are interweaved with figurational sociology to analyse rugby league violence. Furthermore, through these theoretical paradigms, important wider social and cultural issues are taken into account including the commodification of Australian rugby league, the media framing of State of Origin rugby league as a 'sports mediated product', and the role violence plays both within the construction of masculine identities in rugby league and in the wider 'gender order' . These social and cultural issues are evaluated to gain an adequate understanding of the structural and interpersonal interrelationships constituting the social phenomenon of rugby league violence. The central finding of this thesis is that there is a processual shift from more to less illegitimate violence in Australian rugby league between 1970 and 1995.